The Falklands

JAMES STUART - MID

2012-03-08T13:31:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of east Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy position on the craggy ridge feature of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometers to the west of port Stanley

During the assault Second Lieutenant STUART and his Platoon were in the front line of the attack. Suddenly, at close quarters, the enemy opened fire. His Platoon Sergeant was killed instantly and several men were wounded. Undeterred by his losses, he exhorted his Platoon to follow his example in pressing home the attack. Subsequently, he and his Platoon were again to the fore in the successful assault by his company on their main objective.

Second Lieutenant STUART demonstrated considerable qualities of character, leadership and courage under fire. He is strongly recommended for Mention in Despatches.

IAN BRYDEN - MID

2012-03-08T13:27:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of East Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy position on the craggy ridge feature of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometers to the west of port Stanley

Captain BRYDEN was at the front of his company, closing rapidly with the enemy's position. Suddenly he was confronted by three enemy. Reacting immediately and decisively, he shot and killed two of them and overcame the third in hand to hand fighting. Shortly afterwards, his company successfully secured its objective.

Captain BRYDEN's personal courage was an example to all; he is strongly mentioned for Mention in Despatches.

ANDREW PENGELLY - MM

2012-03-08T11:49:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of east Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy position on the craggy ridge feature of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometers to the west of port Stanley

During the assault, leading elements came under fire from a sniper hidden high up in nearby rocky crags. Guardsman PENGELLY reacted immediately: abondoning his machine gun and armed with grenades, he climbed up the wet and slippery tocks toward the enemy position. Reaching the top, he hurled a grenade and killed the sniper. As he threw the grenade he was hit and badly wounded by enemy mortar fire. His courageous action was a significant individual contribution of a high order, to the success of the battle.

For his outstanding courage under fire and in the face of the enemy, Guardsman PENGELLY is very strongly recommended for the award of a Military Medal

ROBERT JACKSON - MM

2012-03-08T11:42:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of east Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy position on the craggy ridge feature of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometers to the west of port Stanley

During the assault, leading elements came under intense enemy machine gun fire which was preventing any further advance. Sergeant JACKSON reacted instantly: discarding his rifle and armed only with grenades, he clambered forward under fire over wet and slippery rocks towards the foot of the enemy's position forty meters away. having climbed fully fifteen meters up into the rocky crags, single handed, he attacked and destroyed the enemy's position with his grenades.

For his outstandingly courageous action under fire in the face of the enemy, Sergeant JACKSON is strongly recommended for the award of a Military Medal.

ROBERT LAWRENCE - MC

2012-03-08T11:35:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of east Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy position on the craggy ridge feature of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometers to the west of port Stanley. Lieutenant LAWRENCE and his platoon were amongst leading elements in the assault.

As they come up to an area of prominent rocky crags they came under intense fire from an enemy machine gun position. Lieutenant LAWRENCE, to the fore throughout, immediately led a counter attack. Throwing grenades onto the enemy's position as he went, in the heat of the fire fight he continued to exhort his platoon to follow him in the assault. In capturing the position their attack accounted for two enemy.

Firm on that position, he gathered up a handful of his men and began to work his way along the ridge to engage an enemy sniper. As they closed and just before he could attack, Lieutenant LAWRENCE was severely wounded.

His actions were an outstanding example of leadership under fire and courage in the face of the enemy. For his resolute devotion to duty, Lieutenant LAWRENCE is very strongly recommended for the award of a Military Cross.

JOHN KISZELY - MC

2012-03-08T09:32:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of East Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy positions on the cracky ridge feature of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometers to the west of Port Stanley. Major KISZELY was commanding the Leading Company as they neared the last phase of the assault.

Despite heavy artillery fire from our own guns, the enemy continued to fight back. Major KISZELY immediately appreciated that direct action was essential to maintain the momentum of the attack. Under fire and with a complete disregard for his own safety, he led a group of his men up a gully towards the enemy. Despite men falling wounded beside him he continued his charge, throwing grenades as he went. Arriving on the enemy position, he killed two enemy with his rifle and a third with his bayonet. His courageous action forced the surrender of the remainder. His was the culminating action in the Battalion successfully seizing its objective.

Major KISZELY, by his outstanding leadership and heroic example was an inspiration to his men. His bravery and courage under fire were of an exceptionally high order. He is strongly recommended for the award of a Military Cross.

MICHEAL SCOTT - DSO

2012-03-08T09:12:00.002+01:00

Lieutenant Colonel Scott was in command of 2nd Battalion Scots Guards when they captured Tumbledown Mountain on East Falklands by a battalion night attack on 13 June 1982. This was part of the 5 Brigade plan to secure the last vital ground on the approach to Port Stanley.

Tumbledown Mountain was known to be held by the enemy in considerable strength. It was equally certain that this enemy had been alerted to the likelihood of a renewed British offensive at that time because of the nature and timing of operations two nights previously.

Lieutenat Colonel Scott had planned his attack with meticulous care. The battalion took their first objective without opposition.

As they moved towards their second objective the Scots Guards were bet by a heavy concentration of artillery, mortar and machine gun fire. Well positioned enemy snipers dominated the difficult, rising ground over which the Guards had to advance, and harrassed exposed movement. The nature of the ground on the flanks and the weight of enemy fire upon it made manoeuvre impossible. A battle of attrition developed and the success of the Brigade plan hung in the balance. This phase lasted for six hours. Throughout, although constantly under artillery fire himself, Lieutenant Colonel Scott led his battalion in an outstanding manner. He personally directed and encouraged the leading Company Commander and his exaample and coolness inspired and steadied all around him. He caused artillery fire to be brought down with surgical precission close to his forward troops so that they were eventually able to close with the enemy and defeat them. it was due to Lieutenant Colonel Scott's personal determination and leadership that the Scots Guards were able to achieve a break through at this vital point and so capture their main objective.

In this their first action during the Falklands campaign, the Battalion distinguished itself by winning a battle lasting nine hours overall under the most adverse conditions. The outcome of this engagement was instrumental in breaking the enemy's will to fight and their final surrender was achieved within a matter of hours.

The conduct of the Scots Guards during this protracted and exhausting night engagement was exemplary and much of the credit rests with their Commanding Officer. he is strongly recommended for the award of the DSO.

New photo of me in the falklands

2012-03-07T11:32:00.002+01:00

Once again a huge thanks to Lee Willacy who has found another picture of me in the Falklands.

This one was taken outside the main entrance to the refrigeration plant at Ajax Bay. It was probably taken after the prisoners had left so is sometime in July.

WILLIAM NICOL - DCM

2012-02-07T15:35:00.003+01:00

WO2 Nicol was the CSM of Left Flank, 2nd Battalion Scots Guards throughout the campaign in the Falkland Islands. During the whole of this time he maintained exemplary standards of personal courage and leadership which inspired similar standards in all members of his company. Three particular occasions stand out:

On 6 June after a 6 hour sea voyage at night in open boats in which most men were completely soaked, the Battalion was ordered to occupy defensive positions on high ground in freezing rain and sleet. Although a number of exposure casualties were taken in other companies, none occurred in Left Flank. This was due to CSM Nicol's tireless efforts in controlling and encouraging his company throughout the night, despite the appaling weather and the fact that he himself was almost at the point of exhaustion.

On 8 June some 12 enemy aircraft involved in the attack on shipping at Fitzroy flew in three sorties at lowlevel over the comapny's position at Bluff Cove. No warning of the enemy aircraft was received but despite this CSM Nicol so rapidly and skilfully organised and controlled his company in firing rifles and machine guns, moving from sangar to sangar with no thought for his own safety, that 2 or 3 enemy aircraft were brought down by the Battalion.

Finally, at Tumbledown Mountain on 14 June his company were ordered to take a strong enemy position as part of a Battalion night attack.

After the initial assault, the company came under constant and devastating machine gun and sniper fire. One of the platoon sergeants was wounded, and subsequently died, and CSM Nicol went forward under sniper fire to rescue him. Wounded in the hand while doing so, he continued to tend the dying sergeant.

He remained cool and calm under heavy fire encouraging and exhorting his men and at the same time advising one of the young platoon commanders how to defeat a seemingly impregnable enemy position.

He remained unperturbed by the weight of enemy small arms fire, artillery and mortar fire thus installing great confidence in men who might well have been frightened. He refused to be evacuated himself, although the pain must have been intense until all other casualties in the company (26 in all) had been evacuated. CSM Nicol's distinguished conduct and conspicious personal bravery throughout the campaign in particular on the three occasions described above have proved an inspiration and example to all ranks and have made an outstanding contribution to his comapny's exceptional achievements

JAMES BOYLE CURRAN REYNOLDS - DCM (Postumous)

2012-02-07T14:49:00.002+01:00

On the night of 13/14 June 1982, on the Island of East Falkland, the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards attacked well entrenched enemy positions on the craggy ridge of Tumbledown Mountain, seven kilometres to the West of Port Stanley

During the attack, Guardsman REYNOLDS' platoon came under fire from a group of enemy snipers. His Platoon Sergeant was killed instantly. A confused situation developed and his section became seperated. Guardsmen REYNOLDS immediately took command. Having located the enemy snipers he silenced several of them himself.

That done and showing a complete disregard for his own safety, he moved forward to render first aid to a wounded comrade. He himself was wounded in the hand by enemy sniper fire, but continued to aid his colleague. Whilst doing so he was killed by enemy mortar fire.

For his leadership and courage under fire; also his unselfish regard for his wounded comrade, Guardsman REYNOLDS is strongly recommended for the postumous award of a Distinguished Conduct Medal.

National Archives

2012-02-07T14:00:00.001+01:00

I have recently been helping Bruce Kilshaw (the archivist for the Tumbledown Veterans Association) with collecting some material for his archives. In the process he has been extremely kind and generous to give me copies of some of the documents has has from the National Archives.

So watch this space for details of all the citations for the medals and mention in dispatches for 2SG.

Recently gave a talk at Swedish MOD

2012-02-07T13:50:00.003+01:00

Every year I attend a church service here in Stockholm that celebrates Santa Lucia. It's a very atmospheric and traditional service that I make every effort to attend.

So why do I mention this? Well this year when I left I bumped into an old colleague from my days at IBM and EHPT who it turns out now works at the Swedish MOD (Försvarets materielverk). After catching up he mentioned that he was about to go on holiday to the Falkland Islands. So I couldn't resist mentioning that I had served there during the war.

This led to an invite to come and talk at his office to a small group of friends who were coming with him to the Falklands. Meantime he had mentioned to his boss, one of the few generals in the Swedish Army, and he would like me to come back and talk to his department of about 120 officers later this year :)

So watch this space

Me giving part of my presentation at Karlberg

2011-12-29T18:00:00.007+01:00

In this short clip I am talking about how 2SG were selected

And here I talk about what it feels like to be shot at

All in all the talk went down very well and I was happy with most of what I said. It was hard to get the timings exactly right as 2 hours sounds like a lot but rapidly vanishes.

Next challenge for me is that I have been accepted by sixthstar to be a special guest speaker on cruise ships from the Royal Caribbean cruise line on cruises from Southampton. Will have to start preparing 3-4 45 minutes talks about the Falklands War. Look out for some postings about how this progresses

Karlberg

2011-10-21T15:07:00.003+02:00

Will post some more this weekend (famous last words) but in the meantime i received this link from jonas at the academy

Karlberg

Falklands 25. A Soldiers Story

2011-09-05T21:49:00.008+02:00

At 2.10 into Part 3 Alan Crawford of 1 Platoon Right Flank (he was the platoon Sergeant at the time) recalls what he can remember from that night

Right Flank 2SG

2011-09-04T19:04:00.005+02:00

I was looking on the Falklands 30 reunion event page on facebook and noticed that Gordon Graham had posted a group photo of Right Flank

Fine bunch of men

Then I got to thinking about this photo because I don't remember it being taken. Not that that means much as it was 30 years ago (almost) so I should be given some leeway as to the state of my memory.

As there are precious few photos with me in it I got to wondering if I was there, and what do you know I am :)

Front row, 6th from the left, kneeling, holding my SLR. I think the chap to the left of me is Kev Bottoms (ACC). The chap to the right I dont recognise but the chap next to him is Eddie Collins (8th from left). Tally is 11th from the left.

I look so small and weedy compared to the rest.

2SG 30th Anniversary Reunion

2011-09-02T11:28:00.004+02:00

2SG are having a 30th anniversary reunion

Details can be found on facebook here

Really looking forward to this event as this time it seems to be aimed more at families and is spread over a weekend rather than a formal sit down dinner with speaches. I worry that as this isn't officially sponsored by the regimental association there might be a conflict with anything organised by them.

However its great that Vince Campbell and Bill Montgomery have organised this.

Mount tumbledown by bombdisposalboy on YouTube

2011-08-25T21:20:00.000+02:00

After The Falklands and The Gurkhas

2011-08-25T21:01:00.003+02:00

Last night I received an email from Mike Seaar enclosing the synopsis of his new book that is due out next year.

Wow

One of the "problems" with the battle for Tumbledown is that a lot has been said by the Argentine side and very little from the British. There are no books that deal exclusively with the battle as for most it is a foot note to the more dramatic events of the surrender of the Argentine garrison.

From the Argentine side there have been 2 conflicting stories. One hailing the activities of 5BIM as a battalion and the other focusing on the actions of just 1 reinforced platoon left to defend the West end of Tumbledown in isolation.

Against this confusing background is set the titanic struggle of Left flank and the hurried skirmishing of Right Flank and as such the 2 stories have not really been told together.

Mikes new book is certainly going to set the story straight and though the vast majority of mankind have little interest about a battle fought almost 30 years ago I for one was fascinated to read what is by far the most accurate retelling of the battle to date

Good job Mike and look forward to seeing you in October when you give your talk at Karlberg.

2011-08-23T08:35:00.003+02:00

I took over as the webmaster for SAMA82 last month and helped them get a new website up and running. Check it out at www.sama82.org.uk

It's going to be interesting to see what we can do with the site

To quote from the website...

SAMA (82) began its existence on April 2nd 1997, the fifteenth anniversary of the uninvited arrival of Argentine forces in the Falkland Islands. Soon afterwards, a task force was assembled in Great Britain and dispatched to the South Atlantic to restore Her Majesty's Sovereignty. On June 14 1982, Major General Jeremy Moore RM was able to announce to the world that the Falkland Islands were once again living under the Government of their choice. Seventy four days of occupancy had elapsed.

Since those heady days in 1982 many things have changed. The Islanders now have a measure of economic independence, and the geography of the capital, Stanley, has been radically reshaped. There is now a new airport complex, integrated with the garrison which continues to defend the Falklands against any aggressor. But most of the Task Force members also had their lives altered. Just under 780 were wounded, with injuries ranging from minor shrapnel scratches, through disfiguring burns, to amputation and loss of a limb or limbs.

Even those who were not wounded physically found that they had changed on their return home. A few were suffering from the cluster of severe symptoms known as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder; others merely had disturbed dreams. For nearly all veterans of the short but sharp South Atlantic conflict, November 11th's Remembrance Sunday now became an intense emotional experience, along with feelings of sadness and loss on specific anniversaries such as the land battles of Goose Green, Mount Harriet, Tumbledown, Two Sisters, Wireless Ridge and Mount Longdon - or the death in action of a friend and comrade elsewhere, perhaps at sea, or closer to shore at Fitzroy Cove, or in the Battle of San Carlos Water. Three Falkland Islanders also died in the fighting; two hundred and fifty five members of the Task Force did not return to their homes ...

All members of that Task Force are united in one thing. They, or their next-of-kin, received from Her Majesty's Government the South Atlantic Medal. It was awarded to all personnel who took part in operations in the South Atlantic for the liberation of South Georgia and the Falkland Islands. To qualify, the recipient had to have at least one full day's service in the Fakland Islands or South Georgia, or thirty days in the South Atlantic operational zone, including Ascension Island. Additionally, those who qualified under the first condition were awarded a rosette to wear on the medal ribbon.

What is perhaps surprising is that nearly 30,000 of these medals were awarded, underpinning the Government's seriousness in terms of generating the forces needed to carry out the difficult task of dislodging the Argentine invaders. The breakdown of medal awards is: Royal Navy 13,000; Royal Marines 3,700; Royal Fleet Auxilliary 2,000; Army 7,000; Royal Air Force 2,000 and Merchant Navy/Civilian 2,000.

The main objectives of SAMA (82) are simply stated. We intend to maintain and promote a sense of pride and comradeship among all veterans of the South Atlantic campaign, and to keep them in touch with each other in a manner which respects both individual privacy and personal requirements. We also want to establish and maintain contact with other organisations involved in the welfare of the armed forces, and ensure that due consideration is given to the interests of all Falkland veterans. SAMA (82) will also investigate for consideration, by an appropriate organisation, any case of hardship or distress amongst South Atlantic veterans in which direct financial assistance is sought or recommended.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly for the the majority of SAMA (82) members, we desire most strongly to maintain and strengthen links with the people of the Falkland Islands.

2011-06-30T14:35:00.001+02:00

Decided that I would like to try and raise some money for SAMA82 with my cycling. So if you feel you would like to sponsor me please click on the link.

You can follow my cycling blog as well at stevecocksbike.blogspot.com

Bravo November

2011-06-28T20:13:00.001+02:00

Due to the loss of the Atlantic Conveyer we had a huge shortage of choppers.

One chopper that we almost all came in contact with was the sole surviving chinook "Bravo November".

I remember one particular incident which involved Ian Amos our Company Sergeant Major. We had just recently placed a tent over the latrines that had been freshly dug some distance from where we were staying at Ajax Bay in what had been the "Red and Green life machine". Ian had commissioned one of our REME armourers to make some "thunder boxes" so that instead of squatting over an open trench to do "our business" we would have the luxury of being able to sit down. Now Ian was a man of habit in that each morning he would go to the latrine tent with a copy of The Sun with strict instructions that nobody was to disturb him.

Problem is nobody had thought to tell the RAF that we had changed the location of the spot where the replem chopper was supposed to land. So you can imagine what happened when "Bravo November" turned up for her normal replem only to find a bloody big tent in the way. Of course not knowing what to do and at this point not able to see the frantically waving guardsman telling him not to hover over the tent she kept station for good minute or so.

Have you seen what the downdraft of a fully laden Chinook does to to tent?

All I can say is that poor old Ian was letf clutching an inch of The Sun each hand while everything else was ripped away. There he was fully exposed to the world with his trousers around his ankles yelling blue murder up at the pilots.

We all thought it was hilarious but Ian certainly had a sense of humour loss that morning and we all kept a healthy distance away from him :)

Anyway, 30 years later good old "Bravo November" is still at it flying missions in Afganistan

Bravo November

29th Anniversary

2011-06-15T08:54:00.002+02:00

Yesterday was the 29th anniversary of the liberation of the Falklands.

It's the one day of the year no matter how busy I am I take a little time to reflect on my life and look back.

Last night I was doing my Buddhist prayers and was reflecting that this time 29 years ago the fighting was over and the Argentines had surrendered.

I was up on Tumbledown still without a sleeping bag wedged into a crack between some rocks trying to sleep and stay warm. All around me was the evidence of battle; scattered shell cases, discarded helmets, rifles, bits of clothing, webbing, letters from loved ones and of course dozens of dead from both sides lying where they had fallen.

Rest in peace guys, both British and Argentine, and if any of the bullets I help feed into our GPMG killed you, know that I am truly sorry for I didn't hate you.

There is a wonderful poem by Kudyard Kipling called Tommy that captures the essence of what it is to be a soldier. Lets not forget our current batch of serving men and women. I have included an up to date version of this poem that shows little has changed in the 120 years since the Kipling first wrote the original

O then we're just like 'eroes from the army's glorious past.
Yes, it's "God go with you, Tommy," when the trip might be your last.
They pays us skivvy wages, never mind we're sitting ducks,
When clerks what's pushing pens at 'ome don't know their flippin' luck.
"Ah, yes" sez they "but think of all the travel to be 'ad."
Pull the other one. Does Cooks do 'olidays in Baghdad?
It's Tommy this, an' Tommy that, an' "Tommy, know your place,"
But it's "Tommy, take the front seat," when there's terrorists to chase

An' the town is full of maniacs who'd like you dead toot sweet.
Yes, it's "Thank you, Mr Atkins," when they find you in the street.
There's s'pposed to be a covenant to treat us fair an' square
But I 'ad to buy me army boots, an' me combats is threadbare.
An' 'alf the bloody 'elicopters can't get in the air,
An' me pistol jammed when snipers fired. That's why I'm laid up 'ere.
Yes, it's Tommy this, an' Tommy that, "We 'ave to watch the pence";
Bold as brass the P.M. sez, "We spare them no expense.

But I'll tell you when they do us proud an' pull out all the stops,
It's when Tommy lands at Lyneham in a bloomin' wooden box!.

Presentation at Karlberg

2011-05-03T21:17:00.000+02:00

Another invite to Karlberg to meet the cadets.

Actually this time I met some more senior officers who had already graduated from the academy and had come back for a course. We discussed deployment in a combat zone and the various stress and strains placed upon serving soldeirs.

Talk at Karlberg

2011-03-23T08:43:00.002+01:00

I was invited to Karlberg again to give an informal presentation to a classroom for cadets.

They had just finished doing a paper based exercise on the Falklands War when Major BQ rolled me in for a question and answer session after I had given a brief overview of my involvement in the events of 1982.

The whole thing went really well and we will repeat this later with other cadets

Patrick Watts Radio Broadcast

2010-11-01T20:14:00.002+01:00

Back in 2007 Dutch radio unearthed over 2 hours of tape recorded during the invasion in 82.

They have kindly given me the links to these historical archives

Part 1

Part 2

After Action Report

2010-10-31T12:58:00.004+01:00

When I was back in Stanley in 2007 I had the chance to talk to Patrick Watts who was one of our hosts and quite an expert on Tumbledown.

At the time he showed me a document that he had that was an after action report written in July 1982 by LCPL Gorman of 2SG.

This document has a mine of information such as the ORBAT of the battalion as well as the events prior, during and after the battle including an interesting section of what went right and wrong.

I have scanned this document and it is now available for download.

A day out at Karlberg

2010-10-31T11:44:00.006+01:00

Last year when I attended the lecture given by Mike Cole of 45 Commando I bought along a civilian friend of mine who had been a nurse in Stanley during the war. She got chatting to the staff who organised the event and it was suggested that maybe she could contact an old friend of hers who might be interested in giving a lecture about the Falklands from the medical point of view.

So this year I had the chance to attend a rather unique event in which 2 lectures were given attended by no less than 4 veterans of the conflict.

Mike Cole who was company commander of Zulu Company 45 Commando, Professor James Ryan who was a surgeon with 16 Field Ambulance, Rachel Aspogard (Debbie Bleaney) who was a trainee nurse at Stanley Hospital and myself.

L/R Steve Cocks, James Ryan, Rachel Aspogard and Mike Cole

Believe it or not James Ryan is still serving in the Army! He has served in every theatre since the Falklands and has been instrumental in implementing many of the medical systems used today. He still lectures and works extensively with the Americans as well as being involved with training all the British MASH units before they deploy to Afganistan.

His lecture was a real eye opener of what worked and didnt work all those years ago. The fact that the hospital ships had to be placed far out to sea torpedoed the intial plan for casualty evacuation. This required the surgical units to deploy on land and there was simply nowhere to go except the old refrigeration plant at Ajax Bay. Conditions there were on par with World War 1.

The photos that were shown of some of the injured were harrowing as were his comments with regards the conditions in which we fought. Describing the battle against infection and the horrific injuries from anti-personal mines, high velocity rounds and shrapnel he really was able to get across to us what it was like to be a field surgeon.

We then had lunch with the cadets after which Mike Cole gave his presentation on his attack against Two Sisters.

Even after all these years its impossible to miss just how much Mike still admires his men who had an average age of 19 1/2. His description of the build up to the assualt followed by the battle itself was delivered to an appreciative audience.

After both lectures we had a question and answer session.

A fantastic day and one I hope they will repeat next year.

An interview with "Militar Historia"

2010-05-10T12:35:00.001+02:00

Major Jonas Blomquist interviewed me recently for the June addition of the Swedish magazine "Militar Historia".

The article is of course in Swedish and you can download it from the link on the top right of the blog .

In the article Jonas asked me a number of questions of what it had been like to have been with the Scots Guards. Entitled "Han Var Med" or on English "He was With..." he started with the question "You were only 18 at the time, that was young".

One day I will get around to translating the entire article as I too would like to know what it says :)

Moving On

2010-02-07T18:03:00.004+01:00

The Falklands has had a huge impact on me. It is undeniably the biggest and most traumatic incident in my life. I took part in events that are part of history, and no matter that when I die nobody will remember me, the Falklands will forever stand as a footnote in history.

The problem for me, and I believe for many other veterans, is that when we look back at our parts in the conflict it is with very mixed emotions.

My mother came to visit me for Christmas this year and as always she tried to buy me a book or two. I love my mother but not her choice of books as normally they come from bargain bin somewhere and the authors are rarely inspiring or interesting. This year however she surprised me. Not that she had given anymore thought to the subject matter but that the books she chose actually were pretty good.

The books were part of 3 pack and sadly I have lost 2 of them on some train somewhere because despite my best efforts I cannot seem to find them anywhere. The book that I was most taken with was titled "Heroes" and was a series of interviews with various veterans of WWII.

Now the reason that I mention this book is that after the Falklands I devoured books on war written from the personal perspective. I have to admit looking back I was searching for an answer to a question that I had been asking of myself.

How you deal with emotions of surviving a war?

As an 18 year old pay clerk attached to an infantry company taking part in a night assault on a mountain top 8,000 miles from home was something that I was neither prepared for emotionally or physically. My training in the army had consisted of 13 weeks basic training and then copious amounts of drill and classroom work. More effort was put into training my mind and not my body. The army didn't need me to fight they needed me to pay people and therefore thats where they put the effort.

So after the war, having looked the beast squarely in the eye, I went back to being a wage clerk. And for a while it was OK, I was among friends, I was still with the Scots Guards. But then I was posted away to Northern Ireland a new infantry regiment who I just didn't get on with. It's not that I disliked them, it's just that we never had the chance to bond. My life could have taken a very different course from the one it has turned out to have taken. I was lucky in that somebody noticed that my annual reports from extremely good to extremely bad and pulled me out oif the battalion in time to save me from imploding.

Years later after a very fortunate posting I found myself being fully qualified as a computer programmer, 24 years old, married and with my whole life ahead of me. I decided that the Army wasn't for me, became a civilian and tried to live a life that wasn't based on the military

There is a saying though that "you can take the soldier out of the army, but you can never take the army out of the soldier".

No matter how hard I worked, no matter how much I tried to build my business there some inescapable facts that I had to live with.

I know what a bullet hitting flesh sounds like. I have heard the screams of the dying and the wounded. I can still feel the ripple of the shock waves of a bullet as it passes my head. I can close my eyes and feel the earth patter over my prostrate body as a shell lands near by. I know what war did to me, for a brief period in my life I was given the means to kill and if I was presented with an appropriate situation I was supposed to be able to end a life. I have descended to the most basic state a human can be, that of the hunter with death in his eyes.

And I failed as a soldier.

I was supposed to be a hero, we all were. I was supposed to charge a machine gun post, rescue a fallen comrade from the battlefield, rush to the aid of a friend and save his life. I was supposed to do something!!

In the end I carried ammunition up a mountain, did what I was told and came away having not even fired my rifle. I felt a failure, when people asked me about the Falklands I felt a fraud, a coward.

So for years I lived with this guilt. If only I had done this or that. Why didn't I fire my rifle? Maybe if I had I might have made a difference. I might as well have not gone, I was useless, pathetic, I didn't deserve the respect of my fellow soldiers because they were the real hero's not me.

And of course once I was a civilian I had nobody to talk to about these feelings and so I buried them. They became a mantra. I would replay in my head the events of that night and imagine what would have happened if I had something different. I worked harder and harder to convince myself I wasn't worthless and was unforgiving on myself. But at the same time I was looking for answers, surely I wasn't the only person to feel this way? Surely not everyone who goes to war isn't a hero. Surely I can't have been the only one.

But back to that book.

This book was all about heroes, or so the title said. But in fact it was more than that it. It was about people who had been to war and their thoughts now that they are older and wiser. No longer the lions in their youth but instead old men and women looking back over the years to those days when they played their part in events which are also part of the footnote of history.

And for the first time in a book about WWII that I have read here were veterans with some of the highest awards saying how war had effected them. How that looking back at what they had witnessed had changed them and how they had learnt to live with the effects. I felt for the first time in a long time that I was reading the truth of how war impacts us as humans.

There are no heroes, just survivors.

Like anything in life there is a small percentage of people who thrive in any given environment and war is no exception. Some people are born warriors but the vast majority of us, and I count myself among the later, just do our best to survive.

The last 3 years has been a turning point in my life. Meeting the battalion again, going back to Tumbledown, and engaging in conversation with many veterans since has allowed me at long last to start moving on. I am no longer haunted by that night. I am no coward, nor am I a hero.

I am a 46 year old man who went somewhere I hope never to go again, where I stared into the jaws of the beast and walked away. I have my health, a great wife, a great job, and no real worries. I am a lucky man.

Strangely though I am also a little lost and at a crossroads. With the Falklands no longer dominating my every thought and the video tape in my head not playing so frequently I have to find a new way to live. I had got used to being that person I was, but I am no longer the same.

I wonder where life will take me in the years to come.

Return to the Falklands

2010-01-05T10:25:00.005+01:00

An interesting video that I found, for some reason the poster of the video doesn't want people to imbed it so I have to just add a link here instead.

This was posted sometime around the 25th anniversary and provides an interesting commentary in particular about the relationships between the two sides. It also contains a fair chunk of coverage of a return to the islands by an Argentine veteran and an insight into how the veterans view the issue.

Return to the Falklands

New Year

2010-01-02T12:26:00.002+01:00

There is something sadly wrong with me, I just can't do night clubs's

This year we decided to try and do something different so we spent a fortune on a dinner and dance package. We went to a classy nightclub called Berns and were entertained in a very 1930´s style with an Asian flavor to both the food and the show.

Everything was fine until about 11pm which is when the disco started up beneath us. The heavy bass and vibration through the floor just bought back instant associations of Tumbledown.

I have avoided night clubs for a long time as the heavy bass, flashing lights and noise has in the past made be feel very uncomfortable. In the past I have broken out in heavy sweat and start getting the most macabre thoughts of death and destruction.

I didn't get the sweats this time but the thoughts came think and fast and I just sat there watching the crowd around me imagining in my minds eye shrapnel cutting revelers down and the meaty thwack of metal hitting flesh.

Stockholm's bold and beautiful were in abundance. The girls were all stunning in their party frocks and everyone looked happy and full of life. Drink infused exuberance surrounded me and all I could think about was the cold lifeless eyes of the lads who had died up on Tumbledown, robbed of being able to celebrate drawing a breath let alone a new year.

I felt so out of place and when the wife suggested going at about 1.30 I jumped at the chance and couldn't leave quick enough.

I just can't do discos which is sad as I know the wife loves to dance.

2009

2009-12-30T12:53:00.003+01:00

Well its been a quiet year on the blog which isn't really true representation of what has happened over the last 12 months.

I have been to 3 lectures at the Military Academy here in Stockholm, 2 by Mike Cole and 1 by Tim Collins.

Mike in particular was an interesting speaker as his talks were about Zulu Company (of which he was the company commander) and their assault on Two Sisters. I have always had the greatest respect for the Marines as they accomplished everything with so few casualties. Listening to Mike I got the impression that a Marine is trained completely differently from a regular Army soldier like myself. In addition to a high emphasis on physical fitness he was trained to be a thinker and to operate individually.

I was also able to transfer Mikes presentation from VHS video and slides onto a memory stick and a Powerpoint presentation, something that he was able to use for his second talk and proved to be a great success :)

Tim Collins was also a fascinating speaker mainly because of his outspoken opinions on the role of women in the Army (which fly in the face of how the Swedish Army feel) and the fact that he was very "in your face". His talk was funny, witty, controversial and thoroughly entertaining. He is famous for giving a truly inspirational speech to his battalion prior to the invasion of Iraq in 2003, which was later played by Kenneth Branagh in the film "10 Days to War"

I have had a few contacts from veterans of the fighting and from members of the public which has been heartening because sometimes you have to ask yourself if anybody is actually reading what you write. For all those who are reading this I would like to thank you.

Lastly my year was rounded out with what must be the best reason for writing this blog.

I have mentioned in the past that my best friend in the Scots Guards was tragically killed in car accident in Cyprus in 1984. It broke my heart knowing that Tally, having survived a tour of Northern Ireland and Tumbledown, was to be killed returning from a darts match while stationed in Cyprus when his taxi plunged off a mountain side.

Tally was a typical Guardsman. Tall, bushy mustache, stocky, brave and a great friend to his colleagues. He was also married to Chris and had two young boys Paul junior and Carl. When I found out about Tally I contacted Chris who I was able to track down through the Army pension office and we talked but since then I have lost contact.

Anyway completely out of the blue Paul, his eldest son, contacted me and we have exchanged a few emails and it's been fantastic to hear from the family again after so many years!

I promise to make 2010 a little more interesting

Andrew Marr

2009-11-29T13:35:00.002+01:00

Andrew Marr and his series about Britain made this interesting report about Thatcher and the Falklands

Falklands - Veterans

2009-11-03T08:43:00.003+01:00

I know I have been quiet recently with my blog entries but it's not because I have nothing to say, just not a lot of focus on saying it.

Digging around on YouTube I found some interesting videos telling the veterans story from the Argentine side.

And something from the British side, though this is more generic and includes events from Northern Ireland

Interview by Alastair Mitchell of Left Flank

2009-03-28T15:02:00.003+01:00

While doing a bit of research for an upcoming talk I am going to give at work I came across this rather interesting interview of Alistair Mitchell describing the initial contact by Left Flank with the Argentine defenders.

Day out at the academy

2009-03-26T14:27:00.004+01:00

In a repeat of last years event the Swedish Military Academy at Karlsberg invited me back for their annual Falklands event.

This year had a very similiar feel to last years with a paper exercise based around an EU task force being sent to intervene after the islands had been invaded. Of course they renamed everything and turned the map upside down to try and throw the cadets off from coming up with solutions that mirrored 1982 and it was interesting to hear some of the presentations.

However I must admit that considering how little training they have had they did a pretty good job. Very well presented and they had thought of most factors.

The highlight of the day for me though was attending the lecture by Mike Cole.

Mike was Company Commander for Zulu Company 45 Commando and it was his men who stormed the right hand peek of Two Sisters (codename "Summers Day") or as its more afffectionately known by the locals as "Right Tit". if you don't already know 2 Sisters is a dual peek mountain hence the reference to female anatomy. His description of the build up and eventual assault was very interesting and so different to that experienced by the Scots Guards.

Also at the presentation was Rachel Aspagard who despite her Swedish name was actually English. Her father moved to the Falklands in 1979 and bought the farm at Bluff Cove along with 2 other Irishman, believe it or not, to escape the troubles in Northern Ireland and get away from it all. Rachel at the time was training as a nurse and was working at the hospital in Stanley. She was there during the whole invasion and watched Tumbledown from Stanley. She told us that the shockwaves from all the artillery firing cracked the walls of the hospital and you could put a finger into the gaps that formed. Her step mother was Doctor Alison Bleaney who helped broker the Argentine surrender.

A fascinating day only slightly spoilt by the fact I didnt get a chance to present anything to the cadets. I prepared a presentation which I ran through with Major Jonas Blomquist (Chief Tactics instructor) afterwards and he agreed that I should come back in the near future and present the story of the Scots Guards to everyone.

I am very much looking forward to doing that.

Colin Coull

2009-03-17T15:11:00.002+01:00

So there I was last night watching a chick flick with my wife, something called "Love Actually" starring about every British actor there is.

And who should I see but SGT Colin Coull :)

Way to go Colin

Added an MP3 player

2008-12-09T21:17:00.006+01:00

I managed to track down a recording of the "Crags Of Tumbledown Mountain" recorded by the Pipes and Drums of the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards in 1984.

Pipe Major Jimmy Riddle wrote this tune on the night of the assault and he later played standing high on the crags overlooking Stanley.

A copy can be downloaded here

Remembrance Weekend

2008-11-16T15:36:00.003+01:00

From 2008 Remembrance Stockholm

It was a different weekend.

I haven't been religious since I was a teenager when I was encouraged to attend both regular Sunday school and the occasional church service.

This time last year I was in Stanley Cathedral and for the first time went to a parade. I didn't really relate to the pastor, or his rather confused and rambling sermon, but I did appreciate standing there remembering the fallen.

This year I find myself in Stockholm and decided to do something a little different.

So on the Friday we attended the annual general meeting of the Ex Servicemen's Association which consisted of drinks and nibbles with the British Ambassador and his wife at their official residence followed by a sitdown meal over at the embassy.

It was my first time to meet a number of ex Servicemen of all ages and both sexes ranging from an ex Norwegian resistance fighter who escaped to England and flew Spitfires to a recently retired RMP fresh back from Iraq.

It was a good crowd and both Susie and I enjoyed ourselves. To our immense surprise we won 3rd prize in the raffle and took home a case of Spitfire beer.

Sunday saw us again back at the embassy residence saying hello to the ambassador, though not before attending the parade.

The Anglican church was beautiful and looked every part an English village church. Flags hung from the rafters, flowers adorned the pews, and everyone turned out in their Sunday best. Susie and I sat at the back next to the central aisle as I had a couple of wreaths that I wanted to lay. It had all been arranged and at the appropriate time I stepped forward and along with the British and American military attaches presented them to the pastor.

The one thing I got wrong was my wording on the cards. I had always thought that Remembrance Sunday is about remembering all the deceased from all wars. It wasn't until I was at the church and actually listened to the words for the first time I realised that in fact it's only for WWI and WWII. My wreaths were all wrong, or so I thought for about 30 seconds.

Today was for the 8 guys we left around Tumbledown and for the other 258 members of the Task Force.

So if I have offended anybody I sincerely apologise but from now on I will stand proud and remember not just those who fell in the two world wars but especially those who are a little closer to me.

From 2008 Remembrance Stockholm

Letter written 25 July 1982

2008-09-30T21:20:00.003+02:00

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

The helicopter which will take the mail away will be here any minute now so I thought I should write you a few lines.

I bring good news even though you may know from the papers etc. We sail aboard the "Norland" on July 31st to arrive at Ascension Islands on about the 6-7th August. We will then loll around in the sun for a couple of days before being flown back to arrive on the 8,9 or 10th August.

As you can imagine everyone is over the moon with the news. Ah I hear the chopper now. Will write later

Lots of love (I mean it)
Steven

Letter written 12 July 1982

2008-09-28T20:16:00.000+02:00

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

Today I received 2 of your letters. Dad's was dated 19th June and Mum's was dated 21st June. However never mind. I was so glad to have heard from you both and that everyone is alright.

I'm currently still at Ajax Bay south of San Carlos sitting in an old refridgeration plant suffering from soldiers syndrome, BOREDOM!! Since the Argentinian prisoners left nearly 2 weeks ago I have being doing nothing except dismantling this, moving that, filling this and carrying that.

We have now got a projector so we can see the odd film. The navy have been very hospitable over the last few days. We have all had a turn at going aboard HMS Minerva which was in the vicinity for a few days until she left yesterday. We have all had a shower, a good meal and then all getting merrily drunk.

We still have no certain date when we're due back. However rumour control and the grapevine puts the date somewhere between 18th-22nd July. We also do not know how we are going back whether by sea, air or a combination of both. One good thing though is that the advance party have left so we must go soon.

By the sounds of it this will be a one battalion posting and the Scots Guards are not part of it. When I was on the Minerva I saw a video of the news when the Welsh Guards were bombed at Fitzroy. Having seen the video it reminded me of many things. Thank god I'm still alive to tell my story unlike those poor sods.

The house sounds terrific, I can't wait to see the end results. I hope to have at least 3 weeks leave if not more so perhaps we can spend a little time together.

I picked up some more bric a brac today including a key belonging to the late HMS Argonaut which was sunk off San Carlos as well as a map of Stanley I hope to have the map framed as a memory. I've also got a Falklands One Pound note, an Argentinian helmet, an Argentinian marine corps belt and an Argentinian hat.

Before I forget and I hope I'm not too late in saying so HAPPY BIRTHDAY DAD. I hope you received my letter concerning the food parcel. If you did forget it because I dont think I'll be here much longer. If it's too late never mind. I would like to ranble on a bit more but I wouldn't. Giving you all my information will give me nothing to say later one.

Lots of love your very bored son
Steven

Letter written 26 June 1982

2008-09-28T11:52:00.004+02:00

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

Thought I would drop you a line as I'm not doing anything in particular. After having a relaxing if not sometimes boring 4 or 5 days on board the Mv St Edmund I, and about 70 others, have been moved to Ajax Bay on East Falklands. Ajax Bay is where the 8 Scots Guards who were killed are buried. Visiting the cemetery is quite moving.

We are currently guarding about 500 Argies in an old refrigeration plant. It's just like Colditz. It's quite strange to watch fellow humans beings working while you stand there with a loaded rifle. They are not a bad bunch. We have 4 distinct groups, the higher ranking officers i.e Generals, Brigadiers etc are kept under lock and key nearly all the time; for for their own safety. The second group are the lower ranking officers, these are company and platoon commanders. They aren't very friendly because they lost he! he! and they celebrate mass at 1.00am every morning. All you hear is Santa Amria blah blah Santa Maria blah blah etc for about 1/2 hour, wierd!! The third group are the SNCO's who are all regular troops and make up the company sergeant majors etc. These are fairly reserved but sometimes indulge in small amounts of conversation. The 4th group are the conscripts. These are the most popular among us. They are, almost to the man, cheerful, helpful and obedient. If you tell them to do something they do it immediately. They make up about 75% of our
prisoners and they all seem to be quite happy with being a prisoner.

Well so much about me. I received all your letters in one batch about 1 week ago. Some went way back into May. I am very glad to hear all the news.

Mum you mentioned a parcel. Weill if you could send me a copy of Tolkiens "The Hobbit" and "Lord of the Rings" I would be most grateful. If you could also send me a photo of you all that would be very nice. Apart from that I leave any other things up to you and Dad.

As far as coming home is concerned the latest rumour, which is quite high powered, seems to suggest mid-July to late August. So it seems I'll spend my 19th birthday out here.

Well all my love to you all
Love Steven

Letter written 19 June 1982

2008-09-14T18:55:00.003+02:00

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

I thought I'd better drop you a line to tell you how I am. By this time you should have received my radiogram telling you that I'm all right. Well I unlike many of the lads who have trenchfoot or frostbite in their feet.

As you are well aware the Argies have packed it in, and about time too. I don't know if you know but the Scots Guards lost 8 dead and countless wounded. My company had 9 wounded altogether which is not a lot concidering it was our company that booted the last of the Argentine Marines off the posistion.

Well this is something I never want to do again in a hurry, and there are certainly some experiences that I especially do not want to relive. The Falklands themselves are wet, cold and very uninviting. Why the Argies were willing to lose thousands of men for it is beyond me!!

We landed at San Carlos Bay on the 2nd June after transferring from the QE2 to the Canberra at South Georgia. We spent 3 days there without even seeing an Argie plane. We then moved to Bluff Cove which is on the East coast about 19kms from Stanley. We dug in and did nothing but shoot down 2 Skyhawks who were responsible for the bombing of the Welsh Guards at Fitzroy.

After a week at Bluff Cove we attacked and took Tumbledown. That night was the most frightning time of my life and at least 3 times I can now honestly say that I have been shelled, mortared and shot at by both British forces and Argentinian.

After the battle we stacked the dead in piles and after that we were flown back to Fitzroy were we spent 4 days in a sheep pen. I am now on the Sir Edmund which is a British Rail North Sea Ferry.

Well how was your holiday in Spain Mum, and how was your boating holiday Dad. I have been on a wonderful holiday in the Falklands. Hopefully I will be back for my birthday but that is only speculation.

Hope to see you very soon. Can't wait to see the house now that you have been working on it. All my love to all of you

Love
Steven

Radio Gram sent 21 June 1982

2008-09-13T19:12:00.004+02:00

The words my parents had been waiting for sent a week after the fighting was over

Feeling Fine, I'm in one piece. Hope to see you soon, give my love to all the family, Love Steve

Letter written 21 May 1982

2008-09-09T09:23:00.005+02:00

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

Choppers came in today and yesterday to ferry essential supplies such as beer, soft drinks, chocolate and mail so I received both your letters, it was great hearing from you. I wrote to both of you yesterday so I haven't got a lot to say.

We aren't staying on the Ascension Islands, as a matter of fact all we are doiing is going around it in circles taking on supplies. Tonight we go South but you probably know about this from the news anyway. When we join the Task Force we will probably vacate the QE2 and board naval vessels to minimise the chances of all of 5 brigade being blown out of the water. As a result things will probably be much safer.

Rumours are rife but it is probable the QE2 will become a hospital ship so I wouldn't particularly wish to come back on board as a passenger. 5 brigade has 2 options. We are primamrily a reserve force to back up the paras and marines but there again we may be required to act indepently. Again rumour has it that there is another brigade under going traininbg and we hope that they will form a garrison.

As it stands we stand little chance of kicking the Argies off the islands through purely military operations in the forseeable future. We need to outnumber the enemy 3 to 1 to gain a certain victory. We are led to believe that they outnumber us by 2 to 1. However that isn't all that bad because most of the troops are new recruits from February. They use the same infantry weapons that we do so fully appreciate their ability in firepower. Saying that there weapons may be unusable due to the weather and the inexperienced training of the troops.

We expect to encounter pretty bad weather as we go further south. The weather itself is about the same as a Scottish winter, however saying that the wind is constantly blowing and can be a serious threat. The islands are gradually sinking into sea so the large majority of the islands are marshy and the atmosphere is very damp. Cover from the elements will be few and far between as there are only 2 clumps of trees in the netire islands.

I can't remember if I told you my job but in case I haven't I am now with company stores. Our job in life will be to ferry supplies such as food, water and ammunition up to the ftont line. We will probably be engaged in guarding and supply dumps and other instalations. My job as a pay clerk is now down to about 2 to 3 hours a week so it be hard graft. We have no idea when we will be back to England but as far as I am concerned the sooner the better

Morale is high though the novelty of going to war has to the large majority now worn off. I have never seen a body of men more dedicated to deal a crushing defeat to the Argies.

I am getting very fit as we do a hours rigorous training every day. This normally entails everyone running around the QE2 from Brigadier downwards. I'm getting a nice tan which puts a shame on my other ones and that is only from 1 hours exposure a day to the sun.

I think of you back in England and it is only now that I realise what a wonderful existence we live. As I think ahead to the conditions we will most probably have to endure I would be quite happy to say "here, keep the bloody islands". However I don't feel that way and never will.

Lots of love
Steven

Letter written 19 May 1982

2008-09-08T20:38:00.003+02:00

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

This letter will probably reach you either before, after or at the same time as my other one. The other one is in an envelope which has a stamp on it.

We are now 8 days from Southampton and for obvious security reasons I can't say where we are exactly although it doesn't make much difference. However we stopped for a few hours at Freetown on the west coast of Africa before we crossed the equator.

Training has been very intense with helicopter drills, lifeboat training as well as fitness training. The fitness training can be pretty bad at times. We ran around the deck of the QE21 8 times followed by 1/2 hous of press ups etc and the temperature was 77. The weather is getting hotter all the time and is now about 85.

As far as I go the worst I have encountered so far is the stuffy conditions as well as the weather. The conditions are cramped but they are apparently going to get worse, the food started off great but gradually they are making the food more basic. They are eventually making conditions more primitive for obvious reasons as you can't transfer troops from luxury to living in the field.
We're getting many lectures on many interesting topics but again we can't mention them because they are all classified subjects. Things could very well get sticky if we invade and they resist. The biggest question in everyones mind is not where we land or when or how or if, but will the Argies resist. I know I wouldn't.

Well there is plenty more to write about but I'm really very tired and weary from the heat. I write again very soon or as soon as possible.
I love you all, I'll be thinking of you when we invade

Steven

Letter written 12 May 1982

2008-09-07T09:58:00.008+02:00

One of the many advantages of having all my documents in one place is that I now have access to the letters I wrote to my family during the campaign. Unknown to myself my mother kept these letters safe and returned them to me a couple of years ago.

They make for some interesting reading and give me an insight to my thoughts at the time.

This is the first one I wrote while on board the QE2

Dear Mum, Dad and Dave

Well everyone I write to you my first letter for almost 2 years aboard the QE2. After an early start (3.00am) we finally boarded the QE2 at about 7.30am, watched by a small crowd of relatives and a huge hoard of photographers and film crews. I have got a cabin which built for 2 people, however they have crammed 3 of us in here. The QE2 has changed from an obvious luxury liner into a troop ship for some 3,000 troops. Gone have the display cabinets and fixtures from the corridors and main meeting places. Cardboard and mats cover the floors, gone have the plush lounges to be replaced by rows and rows of camp beds. She has been stripped down to what a cross channel ferry looks like. However there are still many good things. The food is fantasti. Its cooked by the crew, not army chefs, and as a result we get very well fed. We are actually allowed galklons of milk to drink and we get GRAPEFRUIT!! for breakfast. Waiters clear up and keep the dining rooms clean each meal time, which can't be easy when there are 3,000 troops on board. Everywhere you go there are soldiers, machine guns, rifles, sub-machine guns, anti-tank weapons, mortars, anti-aircraft weapons and piles and piles of stores which spill out onto the decks in all directions. Along with the Welsh Guards and Gurkhas there are artillery, rapier anti-aircraft crews and personnel from every corps and support arms in the army.

The crew are fantastic, they are cheery, helpful and quite willing to engage in conversation. I pity them for they must be used to quite dosile, rich and well mannered passengers. Now they have to cope with us!!

So far we have done nothing but sit around and explore the ship. Its huge with a swimming pool, a laundarette, cinema and shops. One funny thing I heard was one of the crew commenting on that all the army exists on is beer and chocolate which makes up a vast amount of the stock. Prices are very cheap, everything is at cost price and its suprising how much we were over charged in the shops on shore.

Morale is very high and everyone is having a great time writing messages on sheets and hanging them over the sides. Boredom is the only fatal thing that we have to watch out for. As I have previously mentioned there is virtually no extra space to do weapon training and exercide but that doesn't really concern me.

Well that's all I have got to offer as news at my end. There are no problems at my end except I havent got any stamps so could you send me 2 or 3 please? I will re-imburse you of course. As far as the bank is concerned forget what I said. I'll draw money over the table which will make my bank paymenst very small.

Well lots of love to all the family. Write as sonn as possible and hopefully I'll get back in 2 weeks time

Steve

Updated my library

2008-09-05T22:25:00.002+02:00

For the first time ever all my library of books on the Falklands are in the same country so added them all to the list.

British Library

2008-09-04T17:55:00.002+02:00

Found a wonderful resource today that will help me track down all known publications in English on the Falklands War. The British Library have catalogs of their entire collection so it came as no surprise to see that they have well over 250 published books on the war. Of course a number of them are duplicates as they have gone through a number of revisions but still, it makes an interesting read.

Time to look up some of the missing titles and add to my collection.

26th Anniversary has been and gone, and where the hell was I??

2008-08-29T09:44:00.003+02:00

Well the 26th anniversary of Tumbledown and been and gone and I had had so much planned that I ended up doing nothing, not even updating my blog, which is a shame as a lot has happened the last 3 months.

My main plan was to have been to attend one of the numerous reunion dinners that were taking place across the country and in particular I was all setup to attend a SAMA82 dinner in Aberdeen. Everything was going according to plan such as organising flights, getting a cheap ticket and speaking with Theresa Davies and arranging to stay with her. Then work reared its ugly head and a series of meetings with an important customer meant it all had to be cancelled :(

I wouldn't say I lost heart but June turned out to be a very busy month and then July is vacation month so a big chunk of that was taken up going away on holiday. Then it was back to work and again a series of busy demands including a trip to Norway and suddenly it was August.

More vacation sees me back in the UK and this time a whirlwind series of visits to relatives and seeing friends who I havent seen for a year. Best part of this though is that I am now reunited with my complete library and have had a chance to acquire some more books over in Hay-On-Wye which is close to where I live in Hereford.

So please accept my apologies but normal service is being resumed

Tumbledown on Google

2008-05-26T12:07:00.008+02:00

View Larger Map

I spent some time recently looking at Tumbledown on Google maps. It makes for some interesting study.

Google offers 3 ways of looking at the terrain. The image above is in "terrain" mode showing Tumbledown in the center. What can clearly be seen is that Tumbeldown dominates the Stanley Road directly to the South. Mount William is to the South East, Mountain Harriet to the South West and Two Sisters to the North West. Directly to the West is Goat Ridge while the long ridge directly to the North is Mount Longdon and Wireless Ridge.

When you use the Satellite view its fascinating to be able to "walk" over the battlefield.

Press the "Sat" button and zoom in a couple of times and there is Tumbledown in all her glory. Zoom in a couple of more times and you are looking directly at the area where Left Flank were held up.

Take a look at this

View Larger Map

You can't help noticing the profusion of shell holes that 26 years later have still not been eroded by nature. The pockmark the mountainside like a bad case of acne.

Gus Hales on Buddhism

2008-05-19T20:16:00.002+02:00

Gus Hales served with 9 PARA RE and fought alongside 3 PARA on Longdon.

The Battle for Mount Longdon

During the pilgrimage in 2007 Gus will always be remembered for his actions during the rememberance service held in Stanley cathedral when he walked to the front and totally off his own back read a poem he had written. His thoughts echoed those of many veterans and received thunderous applause as what he had to say really hit the mark, unlike the padre who gave the sermon, whose words went over most peoples head including mine.

Well done Gus.

2008-05-02T16:35:00.012+02:00

An Approach for the Malvinas War Veterans´ issue :

The Peer Support

EDUARDO C. GERDING

Argentina

for the International Review of the Armed Forces Medical Services

Resumen
La posibilidad de crear una red de contención a nivel nacional para los Veteranos de Guerra, conformada por otros Veteranos de Guerra poseedores de sólidos conocimientos intelectuales, avalados por instituciones universitarias y supervisados por profesionales médicos y psiquiatras especializados es hoy una realidad mundial.

Los consejeros (Peer Support Counselors) deberán surgir de la sociedad misma ya sea de los Centros de Veteranos, de las Areas de Veteranos etc. Dichos equipos podrán conformarse a nivel de ex conscriptos, personal de Suboficiales y Oficiales. Esto implica tener una Misión y Objetivos, un Reglamento que establezca los deberes y derechos, un espíritu de cuerpo y una enorme vocación por ayudar al camarada.

The extreme and terrible nature of war touches something essential about being human. For those who survive, the victors and the defeated, the battle lives in their memories and nightmares ... It survives as hundreds of searing private memories, memories of loss and triumph, shame and pride, struggles each veteran must fight each day of his life."

- Mark Bowden, Black Hawk Down: A Story of Modern Warfare.

The Operational Stress Injury

Operational stress injury (OSI) is a non-medical term used to describe any persistent psychological difficulty including anxiety, depression and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder ( PTSD ) resulting from operational duties performed by the men and women of the Armed Forces. The OSIs (or Combat Stress Reactions) are not mental weakness nor are they signs of cowardice. OSIs have no preferences and can strike anyone of any gender, of any personality type, rank, trade or classification. The OSIs don´t prefer one operational tour to another. (2)

The symptoms and the injuries themselves vary according to the nature of the warfare and, equally important, the reception given to the injured soldier. Single traumatic events - including events far away from combat - can generate vivid, ever more frequent nightmares. In many case the symptoms do not appear for some time after the event a veteran can return home healthy with years passing before the condition develops. US Army General George Patton whose views on this subject are thought to be extreme, stated that ‘any man who says he has battle fatigue is avoiding danger’. This traditional equating of OSI with cowardice is still sometimes encountered even in modern armies (89). However we should remember that courage is not absence of fear, but the mastery of, and ability to overcome fear. (60,61,94).

Efforts to predict which combatants might be more vulnerable have broadly failed. It has been suggested that female soldiers are "more resilient" in some unexplored way. Washingtonpost. Newsweek Interactive. Notwithstanding, female may require too assistance to avoid marginalization.(7)

The soldier´s experience in the battlefield

What is a soldier exposed to ? We should remember the traumatic experience of the conscripts aboard the cruiser ARA General Belgrano. Mount Longdon, Mount Tumbledown and Goose Green were no doubt bloody ground battles which ended with fixed bayonets and hand-to-hand fighting (28). The Welsh Guards were bombed aboard the RFA Sir Galahad and Sir Tristam at Bluff Cove/Fitzroy more than 55 were killed and many were terribly burned and injured.(2).The 1982 conflict took 746 Argentine lives, 255 British and 3 inhabitants of the island. It was certainly no picnic. The campaign cost the British 255 men killed (113 of the Royal Navy ) and 777 wounded (436 of the Army ).(38,39).Robert Fox, BBC radio´s man in the front line, wrote on the 1982 conflict that ¨more British servicemen died than the total number killed on operations in Afghanistan since 2001 and Iraq since 2003. Such attrition is unlikely to be tolerated today) (2).

A most accurate report on this type of dreadful experience was published in The New England Journal of Medicine showing that during the Iraq war 56 percent of soldiers and Marines have killed another human being, 20 percent admit being responsible for noncombatant deaths, and 94 percent had seen bodies and human remains. (11). Exposure to combat was significantly greater among those who were deployed to Iraq than among those deployed to Afghanistan. The percentage of study subjects whose responses met the screening criteria for major depression, generalized anxiety, or PTSD was significantly higher after duty in Iraq (15.6 to 17.1 percent) than after duty in Afghanistan (11.2 percent) or before deployment to Iraq (9.3 percent); the largest difference was in the rate of PTSD. Of those whose responses were positive for a mental
disorder, only 23 to 40 percent sought mental health care. Those whose responses were positive for a mental disorder were twice as likely as those whose responses were negative to report concern about possible stigmatization and other barriers to seeking mental health care.(46). The majority of soldiers probably won’t want to discuss what they did and the horrific things they encountered at all. And again, they might well like to isolate. If they elect to be with others, they will probably want to be around those who are war veterans like themselves. They want to be with people can understand what they went through, plus the resulting emotionally painful aftermath.(29)

Note:
In the case of the 1982 conflict intellectuals still argue about the war and its consequences (43,77,81).In the meantime, Great Britain maintains a heavy military presence at the Mount Pleasant complex on East Falkland Island. The cost is some $150 million a year, or about one quarter of 1 percent of Britain's defense budget, and includes about 1,200 soldiers, sailors and airmen, plus weaponry ranging from Tornado jet fighters to howitzers and naval patrol craft. (79)

The soldier´s self image

Is there a stigma so strong that a soldier is unwilling to admit, even to himself, that he's injured? Does the world regard him as a legitimate casualty, or as merely a weak individual?(58,67). And is this soldier returning to a place that accepts him gratefully as a veteran, or will he be scorned as promoting an unjustified war? Does the war veteran describes his own experience (Gallo) or has incorporated what he has read in books about the war? (36). Injuries sustained sometimes get buried deeply within, where they can fester and poison other parts of the veteran's life to the point of total breakdown. (76) .Tony McNally was a gunner in the British Royal Artillery during the 1982 Conflict. He has battled mental health problems for years, triggered by guilt over the moment his missile system malfunctioned being unable to prevent the death of his comrades on bombed and blazing ships.

At his home in Dalton, Cumbria , Mr McNally recalled the moment when four Argentine jets, two A4 Skyhawks and two supersonic Mirages, came roaring in to attack the Royal Fleet Auxiliaries Sir Galahad and SirTristram as they landed Scots Guards and Welsh Guards at Bluff Cove on the western side of the Falklands, the launchpad for an attack on Argentine forces occupying Port Stanley, 80 miles away. "The British Army's way of telling you to deal with war immediately after is to get drunk and that will sort you out," said Mr McNally. "On the ship home, it was chaos. People started fighting; one guy stabbed another guy in the belly with a bayonet. For a military environment, it was pretty ill-disciplined." When Mr McNally returned to Britain, he felt flat and depressed. "When I got off, my parents weren't there to greet me. I felt so alone. I made my own way home. When I got there my mam hugged me and my dad shook my hand, but that was it, it seemed like a massive anti-climax, like I'd just been out for a packet of fags." He was 19 years old. (87)

The moral edge

Psychologist and former US Army Ranger, Lieutenant Colonel Dave Grossman and others have written extensively and insightfully regarding the profound debilitating effects of killing in war combat behavior. He emphasized the importance of appreciating the relevancy of moral values and norms to defining themselves as personas, structuring their world, and rendering their relationship to it, and to other human beings, comprehensible. Those values and norms provide the parameters of our being called ¨moral identity¨ by Grossman. I term our Combat behavior often violates the moral identity and negatively impacts on the self-esteem, self-image, ands integrity causing debilitating remorse, guilt, shame, disorientation and alienation from the remainder of the moral community-moral injury. (11). Dr Nigel Hunt´s research has examined the universal and the cultural effects of war trauma.

The universal elements of the condition include the traumatic event, and the memory of that event, which triggers an emotional response. Also universal are the two basic elements of coping with the condition — either addressing it or choosing to ignore it. The cultural elements of war trauma cover the acknowledgement, treatment and support networks for the condition, as well as the way it manifests itself. This can vary broadly depending on the nationality, social background and religion of those suffering from the symptoms. In Finland veterans are the focus of a great deal of respect from their government and population. They are also offered annual 'respite care' sessions at specially-built camps across the country. Here they can spend two weeks a year with other veterans, in a relaxing environment, with access to expert advice and help. As a result, Finland sees a very limited incidence of war trauma among its veterans. But for veterans coming home to the UK find no such support network in place. Often, the only place for them to turn is oversubscribed charities such as Combat Stress and the Royal British Legion.

“In Iran, there's a very strong religious support network in place,” said Dr Hunt. “The existence of war trauma is recognized, particularly in relation to the Iran-Iraq War, and people are supported by their religious belief and their relationship to their imam and mosque. Their reasons for going to war were just, because they were fighting for God, and their memories and injuries are justified by their devotion.”. ¨Here in the UK we don't have such a strong belief system. Those fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan are more likely to ask what they are fighting for. When they see horrific incidents, they might struggle to justify it in the context of the wider conflict. Unlike Iranian soldiers, they know they don't have the full support of the people back home. And when they do return home, a system isn't in place to deal with the resulting psychological problems. All of these factors will mean that war trauma amongst UK veterans will increase over the coming months and years unless significant extra funding and effort is dedicated to supporting them.”

The PTSD

That combat stress reactions could be a consequence of a mental conflict arising from a sense of duty being matched by an unconscious wish to survive, was first adapted to battle psychiatry by the psychoanalyst David Eder (1916) whilst working with soldiers evacuated from Gallipoli (94). It is estimated that twenty-five to thirty-nine percent of Argentine war veterans suffered PTSD and eighty-eight percent of them have never attended a health centre (10,13). More than half of all male Vietnam War veterans and almost half of all female Vietnam War veterans have experienced PTSD. In the USA. the rigorous evaluation of war-related psychiatric disorders begun with the National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study. This national epidemiologic survey of male and female veterans of Vietnam was conducted in the mid-1980s. The veterans were therefore assessed 10 to 20 years after their service in Vietnam. The prevalence of current PTSD was 15 percent among men and 8 percent among women. The lifetime prevalence of PTSD was higher 30 percent among male veterans and 25 percent among female veterans. (14,34).Prior research has revealed heightened aggressive behavior among veterans with PTSD.(86).New research into PTSD is leading to a better understanding of its underlying neurobiology, risk factors and long-term implications.

The findings were published in a recent issue of Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences and were revealed at a conference jointly sponsored by the New York Academy of Sciences and the Mount Sinai School of Medicine.(64,97,98).According to Colonel Charles Engel MD, MPH, director of the deployment health clinical center at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, between 15 and 29 percent of soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan will suffer from PTSD (11). Table 1 shows the results observed among the Argentine War Veterans. There were no Royal Army Medical Corps psychiatrists in the Malvinas war (73).US Army researchers evaluated health assessment forms completed by 88,000 soldiers and an attending clinician immediately on their return from Iraq and then again a median of 6 months later. Immediately upon return, reservists and active duty soldiers showed similar rates of overall mental health concerns — about 17% in each group. During follow-up reevaluations, however, reservists reported "substantially higher rates of interpersonal conflict, PTSD, depression, and overall mental health risk" than active duty soldiers.(62).Dr Nigel Hunt, Associate Professor in the Institute of Work, Health and Organizations ( University of Nottingham, UK ) points that. “If you start showing symptoms of war trauma during service you are the responsibility of the Ministry of Defense and you have access to a strong network of support and treatment,” he said. “But many people do not develop the condition until they have left the services, once they have lost the supportive network, spending time day to day with people who understand what they have been through and how they feel. Once out of the services, they are the responsibility of the NHS, where many practitioners don't have the experience and specialist knowledge to deal with people suffering from war trauma. And once they have been diagnosed, they can spend up to two years on a waiting list waiting to be treated.”(93)

Who are the professionals who deal first with the PTSD? As a general rule the GPs are the first ones. In the USA, war veterans are supposed to fill a previous formulary made by the National Center for PTSD (NCPTSD) ( Screening for PTSD in a Primary Care Setting in the medical office ) which not only allows to detect such cases but instruct the GP what to do if the war veteran refuses the health mental assistance. Who treat the PTSD? Psychiatrists are the physicians who have specific training in the assessment, diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of mental illnesses. Psychiatrists attend medical school and receive an M.D. After completing medical training, they complete an additional four years of residency training in mental health. In addition to this, some receive additional training in a specific area of interest such as geriatric psychiatry, child and adolescent psychiatry, addictions and other areas. A second important distinction between a psychologist and a psychiatrist is that the last can prescribe medication, while psychologists cannot. There has been a recent push to grant prescribing powers to psychologists, with states such as New Mexico and Louisiana (USA) now allowing psychologists to write prescriptions after consulting with a psychiatrist.( Kendra Van Wagner-How Do Psychologists Differ from Psychiatrists?-About.com:Psychology )

The legal consequences

A group of 280 British ex-servicemen are suing the Ministry of Defense in the largest group action of its kind to seek compensation for post-traumatic stress disorder. The veterans, who between them have served in almost every recent military action involving British forces - including Bosnia, the Gulf, the Falklands and in Northern Ireland - claim the MoD failed to diagnose and treat those suffering from PTSD.(42,45,91)

Note:

Veterans with PTSD did not differ from those without PTSD in hippocampal volume, but they did show significantly lower urinary cortisol levels, and poorer memory performance on the Wechsler Logical Memory test and Digit Span test. Smaller left hippocampal volumes were observed in veterans who developed PTSD in response to their first reported traumatic exposure, compared to veterans who had first experienced a traumatic event to which they did not develop PTSD, prior to experiencing a subsequent event that led to PTSD. In contrast, the two neuroendocrine measures were associated with risk factors related to early trauma exposure. (97,98)

The war veteran´s family

The total amount of deaths produced by the sinking of the cruiser ARA ‘General Belgrano’ represents 50 per cent of all the Argentine casualties in the conflict. Thirty per cent were 18 years old conscripts which had an obvious impact in many families. The 1995 research of the INSSJP over 145 war veterans showed that 36.6% had disintegrated families with abandon of one or two parents. A great amount (35%) of their fathers died immediately after the Malvinas war thus increasing the veteran’s sense of guilt. About 64% belonged to a low income class. 74 % suffered discrimination when searching a job. Only 12 % owned a property and 35% lived in precarious situations. (13).The Australian Gulf War Veteran´s Health Study(2003) revealed that veterans were more likely to report fertility problems. (18).The Vietnam Veterans Health Study (partners and children) (1998) of 40,030 Vietnam veterans reported on their partners and children health showed that 36% of the partners were affected by the veteran´s experience, 40% suffered stress, 34% anxiety and 30% depression.21% had problems conceiving a child and 22% had a miscarriage. They had a child with a major illness (27%), psychiatric problem(11%), anxiety disorder (16%), congenital abnormality (16%), cancer (2%), fatal accident (2%) and suicide (1%).(18). The risk of a Vietnam veteran fathering a child with an anomaly was similar to that of other fathers (29).The partners and children of Australian Vietnam veterans study(1999)revealed that children of veterans presented more family conflicts (95).

The war veteran might be inclined to disregard the family; he or she might isolate and not want to participate in important events meaningful to others. And, because the war veteran might appear unwilling to assume certain responsibilities, he or she might come across as lacking concern for others, or self centered. However, again, these responses likely don’t stem from narcissism, but could easily be symptoms of PTSD.(29).This same concepts were issued by Mike Seear and Professor Lars Weisaeth in Buenos Aires at the Women´s Forum on March 28,2007 (52).The long term consequences of an OSI for family members and also for personnel dealing with war veterans affairs may include compassion fatigue and in some cases vicarious trauma. (South Carolina Law Enforcement Assistance Program)

What the veteran says	What his family says
I feel things at home have changed	I´m scared my spouse has changed
I feel I have changed	My kids are acting different and I am worried
I wrestle with irratibility anger and rage	I feel angry at my spouse for leaving me with all the problems and then complaining about how I handled them
I feel kind of emotionally numb	I know my spouse had a tough timer but it was tough for me too
I have a hard time concentrating	We fight over little things that never used to bother us
I have had a tough time sleeping...sometimes I have nightmares	I feel like we have withdrawn from each other; our connection is gone
I feel depressed sometimes	I´m scared my spouse will have to leave again and I don´t know if I can take it
I find that I am drinking more	I´ve grown a lot since my spouse has been gone and the new me is not going over real well
I find that I blame myself and feel guilty in some way I know sometimes returning soldiers feel suicidal or they wonder if they have PTSD

In 1995,according to an Argentine Legal Information Center ( Centro de Informática Judicial de la Cámara Civil ) , there were 1009 accusations of domestic violence which increased to 1601 in 1996 and skyrocketed to 1820 the following year. The Woman´s Municipal Center of Vicente Lopez (Province of Buenos Aires) had 3500 average annual cases of domestic violence. In Cordoba the Assistance Center to Victims gave support as well to 5000 victims. In 1995 and 1996 there were 25,000 average emergency telephone calls for domestic violence in the city of Buenos Aires. About 1700 victims were assisted in 1998 at the Hospital Alvear´s Violence Center, 1200 of which were due to marital violence.500 victims were assisted in 1978 at the Argentine Association for the Prevention of Domestic Violence. It´s estimated that there are 5000 to 7000 rapes per year in Argentina.(PNUD) (71)

Suicides as the 1982 Conflict´s aftermath

The Korean War Veterans´ Mortality Study (2003) among more than 17.000 male military veterans revealed a higher mortality from suicide (up by 31%) and alcoholic liver disease (up by 36%).(18).There are no official data on war veterans´ suicides neither of the Argentine nor the British. (69). In the case of the British this applies to the government, the Ministry of Defense, the army, navy, RAF and even the individual regiments themselves. According to The Pan American Health Organization in 1995 accidents were the most prevalent external cause of death among Argentines 30 years and younger followed by suicide (574 deaths in 1995). From age 30 on, the leading cause of deaths shifted toward cardiovascular disease and malignant tumors.

Information on the prevalence of mental illness in Argentina is very scant.

Data from public-sector establishments are incomplete, but indicate that 2,5% of all hospitalizations were related to this category of disease. (88).In 2002 a shocking little known toll of the Malvinas War was revealed: More veterans have taken their own lives since the South Atlantic conflict ended than the number of Servicemen killed in action. (31,37,63).According to the Argentine Health Minister in 2004 the annual suicide rate in Argentina was 8.2 cases per 100,000 inhabitants. If we take as certain the number of Argentine war veterans who committed suicide that rate would be 108.7 that is 14 times higher than the rest of the population(35) According to the WHO in 1999 the UK the annual suicide rate for males was 11.8 and 3.3 for women. It has been stated that 4 of every 10 Argentine war veterans have tried to commit suicide sometime (16). Argentina’s veterans believe 460 of their men have died by their own hand.

The South Atlantic Medal Association say they are "almost certain" the suicide toll is greater than 255 - the number of men killed in the war (almost the equivalent of half a battalion of fighting men ). The association estimates the total could be 264, according to a report in the Mail on .Co-founder Denzil Connick blamed the suicide rate on the "stiff upper lip brigade" and a lack of resources to tackle PTSD. They were policemen, teachers, lorry drivers and care workers or simply unemployed. But they had one thing in common. They were all Falklands war veterans, they had all suffered post-traumatic disorders, and they were all failed by the system. It’s hardly surprising that some soldiers and sailors who experience the full horrors of war fail to readjust to civilian life. Haunted by their experiences, terrorized by flashbacks, they develop psychiatric disorders and, in spite of the support of family or friends, succumb to suicide. Among the Argentine and British forces the same question arises: Why him ? why my comrade? Why not me?

Argentine cases

Corporal Gunner Eduardo Adrian (Tachi)Paz who served in the Argentine Navy since he was 17 years old (aboard the destroyer ARA Segui) left his home in Rosario on November 22, 1999 and went to the 70 m high Flag Monument from where he jumped. Paz who worked as a painter had six children (3 to 16 years old). (5,31). Former conscript Juan Loncopán from Comodoro Rivadavia who was an employee at the local municipality had 5 children. One night 37 years old Loncopan hanged himself in a soccer stadium leaving note stating he couldn´t cope with the 1982 conflict.(5)

Another war veteran called Ramon Antonio Acevedo (Pucará)was a fisherman from Puerto Vilelas (Province of Chaco)who had 5 sons. He was admitted to a hospital and killed himself with a shotgun. Navy Petty Officer (ret) Julio Cesar Araoz was a maquinista aboard a corvette. When he returned from the war shot himself with a .38 revolver.(69).Romualdo Ignacio Bazan from the province of Catamarca was a sailor aboard the Monsunen. When this last was attacked by the British the Corporal Javier Rivero fell in the cold waters. Then Bazan without knowing how to swim plunged into the sea and rescued his comrade. He received the Medal for Courage. When the war ended Bazan joined the Federal Police where he became a Sargeant. Then in 20006 he hanged himself in his house in Lanus leaving a young former wife and two children (65)

War veterans´sons commit suicide just like their parents

In 2006 the society was shocked when three young lads committed suicide just like their
fathers did (69)

British cases

Charles 'Nish' Bruce, an SAS hero of the Falklands and one of the world's top freefall experts, who leapt to his death from a light aircraft last week ( Mr Nish plunged 5,000ft from a plane without a parachute). A former 2 Para Lance Corporal said: "I know that around 37 former Paras who served in the Falklands have killed themselves. Connecting a vacuum-cleaner hose to his car, Ian Cubbold, 60, switched on the engine, took sleeping tablets and lay down to inhale the lethal exhaust fumes and die at his home near Yeovil, Somerset, in 1993. There were no such preparations made by Colin Dreary, aged 31. He simply picked up a knife and stabbed himself to death at his home in Sunderland in 1994. Mark Crown, 39, died in June 1995. He handcuffed one hand to his car steering wheel, doused himself with petrol and set himself ablaze. He left a
wife and two children. Jim Laker was 37 in September 1997 when he launched himself off the roof of a building in Aldershot. Stephen Rawlins, a guardsman aged 38, hanged himself at his father’s home in south Wales on Remembrance Day, 2000.

The American experience

The US military is experiencing a "suicide epidemic" with veterans killing themselves at the rate of 120 a week (1), according to an investigation by US television network CBS. At least 6256 US veterans committed suicide in 2005 - an average of 17 a day - the network reported, with veterans overall more than twice as likely to take their own lives as the rest of the general population. While the suicide rate among the general population was 8.9 per 100,000, the level among veterans was between 18.7 and 20.8 per 100,000. Martin Harbert, 44, hanged himself, leaving three children, in May 2001. Charles Bruce, 46, threw himself out of a plane without a parachute in January 2002. John Hunt, 39, took an overdose of pills in June 2002, at his home in Calne, Wiltshire. That same year, Godfrey Williams, 40, died in Llandeilo, south Wales, after stabbing himself in the heart with a bayonet. (25,27,32)

A study which tracked 320,890 US men, about a third of whom served in the US military between 1917 and 1994 showed that male veterans are twice as likely to die by suicide than people with no military service, and are more likely to kill themselves with a gun than others who commit suicide.(Reuters, June 11,2007).Which ages represent the higher risk ? A study by the University of Michigan and the Department of Veteran Affairs revealed that although veterans diagnosed with depression are not more likely to commit suicide than other civilian patients, there is a significant difference in the suicide rate for younger war veterans. The study concluded that, despite speculations of older veterans being more susceptible to suicide, those within the 18-44 age range showed the greatest suicide risks. The findings were backed up by associate psychiatry professor Dr. Paul Ragan of the Vanderbilt University Medical Center. Dr. Ragan explained that the results have been confirmed in the past by other members of the
scientific community. He also said that suicide risks rise for people in general who are within the ages of 15-24, and those aged 40 and up, explained ABC News.

The cause of unreliable data

In the case of the 1982 conflict just like Vietnam there have been probably a variety of reasons by which actual suicide numbers have been difficult to collect. The following may have interfere with data collection (99)

•Intentionally vague coroner reports
•Coroner's sincere inability to exact cause of death
•Professional's falsifying documents
•Religious factors
•Body not recovered
•Refusal by family members to acknowledge suicide
•Job security of surviving family members
•Inconclusion the person served in Vietnam

The Vietnam myths on suicide

It is interesting to note that in Vietnam many statements were quoted which were lately repeated in other conflicts. Those myths state that the Vietnam veterans were driven, or
encouraged, to end their lives by something or someone. Common among groups of surviving Vietnam veterans are comments like,

• "(the spouse) drove (him/her) to commit suicide."
• "(he/she) couldn't keep a job. Employers are against Vietnam vets."
• "(he/she) knew Agent Orange (cancer) would get (him/her)"
• "Too much stress"
• "The (VA or Federal government) refused to help (him/her)"

Drugs

Can drug addiction be rightly linked to wartime service? Is the problem worse than the Armed Forces are willing to admit?. (ABC ) There are no reliable papers on Malvinas war veterans and drug abuse. However, there have been some researches on the general population which may be fully applied to the war veterans.

Argentina is the Latin American country which consumes more marihuana (21,22). In the province of Buenos Aires, the amount of drug addicts assisted increased from 15,000 in 2002 to 30,000 in 2003. About 300,000 to 500,000 use illegal drugs in such province. According to the WHO the use of the paco ( a drug composed by very toxic cocaine residues ) has increased 200 % in the last four years thus being at the top of the rest of the Latin American countries. (6,83). Notwithstanding, there are no war veterans registered at the SEDRONAR (Secretary of Prevention and Assistance) ( Note 29-9-06). Scientists at the University of South Florida and James A Haley VA Medical Centre in Tampa state that they have definitively linked a common genetic trait to drug and alcohol abuse. The discovery elaborates on earlier suspicions about a gene called mu-opioid. It might eventually help people measure their own risk for addiction, and
help scientists design more effective drugs for treating substance abuse. The researchers found that 95% of study participants who abused alcohol, smoke and used illicit drugs shared a specific variation of the mu-opioid gene (3,4).

Alcohol

Beer sales in Argentina increased from 240 million litres in 1980 to 1300 million litres in 2003 (a 400 per cent increase).(22). ).In Argentina the driver who is a heavy drinker as well has an average age of 45 years old which is very much the age our Malvinas war veterans have (9).Diane England, Ph.D. worked overseas with military families in Italy for five years, including during the first year of the Iraq War. She says that as they did not know about PTSD at the time and had no treatments for it, veterans were left to deal with the symptoms of PTSD on their one. And indeed, to deal with the painful memories and the flashbacks, for example, many turned to alcohol and drugs to self medicate. Then, over time, they became alcoholics and drug addicts. Some of these same veterans who developed PTSD engaged in emotional abuse and verbal abuse, using it against their wives and their children. (29).According to the US National Center
for PTSD, 25-75% of survivors of abusive or violent trauma report problematic alcohol use, this is associated with a chaotic lifestyle, which reduces family emotional closeness, increases family conflict and reduces parenting abilities

The importance of epidemiological analysis

The only way to ascertain the true prevalence of organic and psychiatric casualties of the war among serving soldiers and their relatives is by epidemiological studies. (53).When the British faced subjective complaints among their forces which couldn´t be effectively investigated objectively they compared prevalences with a cohort sample. At the King´s Centre for Military Health Research a study was made in which they compared the health of male regular UK armed forces personnel deployed to Iraq during the 2003 war with that of their colleagues who were not deployed, and compared these findings with those from previous survey after the 1991 war. The statistical analyses was done in the Stata Corporation, College Station, TX, USA). (47,48,51).A similar research was postulated in by the author and Mike Seears between Argentine forces deployed (Mount Tumbledown) and non deployed and a comparison with their British counterparts .(82)

Note:
A cohort study is a form of longitudinal study used in medicine and social science. It is one type of study design and should be compared with a cross-sectional study. A cohort is a group of people who share a common characteristic or experience within a defined time period (e.g., are born, leave school, lose their job, are exposed to a drug or a vaccine, etc.). A bias is a prejudice in a general or specific sense, usually in the sense for having a preference to one particular point of view or ideological perspective. However, one is generally only said to be biased if one's powers of judgment are influenced by the biases one holds, to the extent that one's views could not be taken as being neutral or objective, but instead as subjective.

Organic diseases

The Veterans´ Cancer Incidence Study (2003)among more than 15,000 male military Korean War veterans alive in 1982 revealed a higher cancer incidence overall (up by 13%)and for selected sites. (18)

Resilience

The Vietnam Australian Veterans´Sons and Daughters Project has been focusing on resilience and was part of the Australian Government to reduce the higher rate of suicide among sons and daughters of veterans than the Australian norm. It aimed to reduce suicide by increasing personal strengths, coping skills, resilience and access to care. (12,17,59).Unfortunately only 2% of children use the service. Dr Polusny and her research team have developed a program of longitudinal risk and resiliency research focused on National Guard soldiers and their families. Currently, over 2,600 Minnesota National Guard soldiers are deployed to OIF(Operation Iraqi Freedom) (Iraq and Afghanistan) with the 1st Brigade Combat Team of the 34th Infantry Division (1/34 BCT). The study and two year follow up will evaluate the effectiveness of reintegration interventions for resilience in OIF/OEF veterans, measure the health economics of deployment and describe gene-environment predictors of resilience in combat veterans. (72)

The war veterans´s centers

In addition to the primary tasks of fostering pride and friendship among combat veterans, veteran organizations have an important role to play in securing preventive, curative and rehabilitation health services for its members. Combat veterans and veteran organizations can also, because of their experience of the true reality of war, contribute in a unique way towards reconciliation between former enemies and provide support to those who have been exposed to war’s traumatic stresses and suffer from its consequences. (94)

The Peer Support Approach

Healing can be accelerated by the support of peers, health professionals and resources within the community. The Peer Support approach assumes that individuals who have experienced a mental illness can better understand and relate to individuals trying to deal with their mental illness. Additionally it promotes a wellness model which considers clients to be normal as opposed to a medical model which considers clients to be sick. The concept of peer support had its beginnings in 1935 with the establishment of Alcoholics Anonymous which operated under the principle that persons who had experienced and overcome alcoholism would be more effective in assisting others who were trying to do the same. Self help is founded upon the principle that people who share a disability have something to offer each other which cannot be provided by professionals (Clarke Institute 1997).Peer Support do not replace traditional services but offer an alternative to individuals who feel alienated from the mental health system. Peer Support Groups have been available to Canadian Forces personnel and veterans since September 2004. (44).As a result of different motives there might be doubts regarding the possibility of having Peer Support Reunions with different ranks attending the same meetings (19,33).In such regard Commodore Toby Elliot says : ¨With regard to the officer class as a whole, however, are those who have entered the services as officers in the first place who feel the stigma of mental ill health and the effect of "the military ethos" very strongly. They see themselves at great risk of career limitation if they admit they have a problem whilst serving, and so this mindset creates barriers to help seeking and treatment both in service and then when they leave the service. I am quite convinced that the only way to tackle this problem is to set up a separate system for officers where they can seek help, treatment and as a spin off set up peer group support where this is achievable (needs the individual to realize the benefit to be gained by participating in such a program.) Better still, however, in both groups, is to encourage them to join their regimental association and find old friends and comrades they have served with, and discover what a powerful difference can be made by taking such a positive step¨

Goals and objectives of the Peer Support Programs

Most Peer Support Programs emphasize the need for a sound structure of the program. A documentation describing work on goals and objectives offers proof of the task that workers are performing. The participation by consumers is associated with: 1) Reduced hospitalization,. 2) Reduced use of other services,3) Increased knowledge, information ands coping skills,4) Increased self-esteem, confidence, sense of well being and being in control and 5)Stronger social networks and supports.

Types of Peer Support
1) A paraprofessional approach whose workers are supervised by a professionally
trained counselor,
2) Volunteer workers who conduct peer support on an outreach basis,
3) Former clients of vocational rehabilitation agencies ,
4) Peer tutors who provide independent living skills instructions,
5) Workers who provide pertinent information on topics such as housing social
services etc. and
6) Workers who provide community networks and activities.

Methods of service delivery
a. One to one basis : The one to one provides greater privacy and is easier to
develop trust .
b. A group basis: The group method put more demands on the person to share and
be active. It requires more skill from the facilitator but they bring about a
powerful feeling of unity.

The Peer Support Counselor

The Peer Support Counselors should have a special training. It´s not just a war veteran giving advice to another or transferring the nuisances to others or generating conflicts with the health officers but a man who may solve problems through the proper channels.The Washington State Peer Support Counselor Training Program has now trained and certified consumers for the past two years. The Mental Health Division conducted eight separate 40-hour trainings in Tacoma, Washington. Approximately 25 consumers attended each 1-week training. Peer Support Counselors become certified by successfully completing the program and passing the certification exam and completing the Department of Health Registered Registered Counselor Program. Health Promotor Agents courses given by the University of Buenos Aires (Agente Promotor de Salud) had a similar training to the Peer Support Counselor although there were certain differences. A promotor is an advocate who promotes health in her/his community and is a bridge between the community and systems of care. The first risk for a war veteran acting as a Peer Support Counselor World be to incur in Existential Authority. This last implies the lack of respect and the withering look the war veteran shows towards anyone who has not participated of his same conflict thus creating a bad attitude among his work-mates being at loggerheads with his employer who may sack him (sometimes in a improper way).Another could be the political risk like the one described in the USA in which a new Tucson based national group offering emotional support for Iraq veterans had another unstated purpose which was to recruit the troubled vets into antiwar activism. ( Vet support group has anti-war affiliations-Arizona Daily Star-Jan 16,2007) .

Functions of the Peer Support Counselor

1. Provides a role model, 2. Becomes a link between the client and the services which are provided through the Center etc.,3. The Peer Support worker drawing on personal experiences provides training in a wide variety of independent living skills.4.Peer Support workers may more readily recognize and address the psychological needs of their counterparts (Varenhorst 1984).

Programs to reduce the suicide rates

The Members Assistance Program of the New York City Police Unions (MAP) have reduced the rate of police officer suicide and increased the level of acceptance for mental health services. In 2001 MAP became POPPA Police Organization Providing Peer Assistance.

Photogroup on Flikr

2008-04-23T07:59:00.002+02:00

I came across this interesting group on Flikr the other day, its well worth a browse.

http://www.flickr.com/groups/malvinas/

Received the Pilgrimage DVD

2008-04-10T15:30:00.007+02:00

Having seen the pilgrimage DVD when Mike came to visit I was very anxious to get hold of my copy which happily arrived safe and sound a couple of days ago.

Now I know I am being somewhat cheeky but I couldnt resist making a little movie of my own from some of the footage. I will contact BFBS to see if its ok with them to post this. If they give the OK then I will try and put something on YouTube.

I am hoping that other veterans of the Scots Guards might get to see this

Swedish Military Acedemy

2008-04-02T15:10:00.002+02:00

Attended the Swedish Military Acedemy today along with Mike Searr and listened to him present a thoroughly interesting 2 hour presentation to 160+ officer cadets.

From left ro right are Guy Skingsley, Maj Jonas Björkqvist and Mike Seear.

Guy is Chief Instructor Languages and is a retired Captain from the British Army whicl Major Jonas is the Chief Instructor of Tactics at the acedemy.

The talk was given as a final part of a 48 exercise being conducted by the cadets on a theoretical international incident involving an EU force consisting of a Swedish element retaking a group of islands called Malvinia.

Having done the talk we were invited for lunch followed by attending the various presentations. My Swedish was just about able to follow the basics and Mike being fluent in Norwegian had no problem adding a few observations. Afterwards we had a tour of the acedemy followed by a few beers in the cadets bar.

All in all a great way to spend a day :)

Mike Searr comes to visit

2008-04-01T14:54:00.001+02:00

I had the pleasure of having a visit from Mike Searr this evening who flew over from Norway and stayed with me prior to giving a presentation on the Gurkhas in the Falklands to the Swedish military acedemy.

Had a very interesting chat about many topics related to the conflict and we watched the DVD produced by BFBS about the 2007 pilgrimage. I haven't got my copy yet as it went to the UK address and hasn't arrived here in Sweden, will post a few clips when it gets here though so watch this space

The Arrogance of Youth

2008-03-03T08:44:00.002+01:00

I don't really remember the exact time frame but pretty soon after the ceasefire my Pay Master came to visit me and have a chat. He commented on the fact that my glasses were cracked and I told him it was caused by shrapnel up on Tumbeldown, though in all honesty I think I rolled onto them in my sleeping bag.

He found this story, along with my description of the battle fascinating and in a sort of way it made me different from everyone else in the office. He had, along with my Div 2 Kieth Foly, stayed behind with the HQ Company Echelon well away from the front line. Steve the office Sergeant was of course doing rear party back in London and of the various Pay Clerks that were with the rifle companies I was the only one to have gone onto the mountain.

Or so I thought.

When we eventually came back to Chelsea my status as the "war hero" boosted my confidence and when Steve was posted away my Pay Master promoted me over the heads of 2 senior Corporals to become the office Sergeant. Of course my world collapsed when I was posted away myself but thats another story.

One of the many good things that has happened in the last 12 months is that I have been able to get back in touch with old comrades and have been able to talk to all the surviving members of my Pay Team. Recently one of them came to visit me and we spent a very enjoyable weekend catching up on the last 25 years.

This is when I found out that I was not the only member of my Pay Team who went up on Tumbeldown but in fact John was also up there and in a capacity far different from what I was used for.

My company decided to use all the Corp Attached (and there were quite a few of us) as Company Echelon. They used us as human mules and we basically carried as much ammunition and medical supplies as we could get our hands on.

John's company, Left Flank, decided that they needed more rifles in the attack therefore John was put into an adhoc rifle section that was assembled at the last minute. As Left Flank advanced to contact they came under an incredible weight of fire which instantly killed at least one guardsmen and wounded countless others. John was right in the thick of it with men being hit left and right of where he stood. With the cries of the wounded ringing in his ears John threw himself to the ground and returned fire using up all his ammunition (100 rounds) in a very short time. After this he, along with the majority of the company, moved into whatever cover they could find as progress forwards was completely impossible.

Left Flank were pinned down for hours before accurate artillery and mortar fire was able to be registered onto the defenses and one of the platoons was able to work there way up and behind the Argentine 4 platoon. Once the defence started to unhinge Left Flank charged up and cleared their way forward but John, with no ammunition stayed where he was. Something he says was "not his greatest hour".

I can only apologise for my arrogance John in claiming I was the only member of the Pay Corp on Tumbledown that night. I had no idea as you never mentioned that you were there, or if you did I wasn't really listening being so caught up in myself.

Theresa's plaque on Tumbledown

2008-02-20T14:03:00.009+01:00

A few weeks ago Theresa sent me a photo of her plaque that she wanted mounted on Tumbledown. Well F Coy of the Scots Guards were recently down there and very kindly took the plaque up to the memorial and added it to those already there. They also took some photographs which they passed on to her.

Pictures of Right Flank

2008-02-19T19:52:00.002+01:00

As I have mentioned in some of my previous posts I bitterly regret not taking many photographs during the war. It's been sad to have no record of what has been one of the pinacial moments in my life.

Last year one of the many formed Scots Guards I was able to get back in contact with was Right Flanks Company Clerk Dereck Gibb. Dereck and I spent a lot of time together before, during and after the war as his role as Company Clerk and mine as their Pay Clerk meant we often worked together trying to unravel some of the financial mess that young (and old) guardsmen found themselves getting into.

He recently pointed out that I should join the Scots Guards regimental association mailing list on Yahoo http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hielanladdieclubMk2/ which I eventually did and boy am I glad I did. As well as having some nice welcoming emails tucked away in the photograph section are some wonderful photographs of the battalion in 1982.

I first of all have to apologise to anybody if they are upset that I have taken copies and reposted them on my blog. They are however a wonderful window onto a time when we were all younger and less world weary.

Thanks so much Capstar

http://picasaweb.google.com/steve.cocks82/Capstar1982

and Thomas Grieg for making these available.

http://picasaweb.google.com/steve.cocks82/ThomasGreig1982

Alas I didn't find any of myself but there is a cracking one of my Paymaster Captain Denis O'Keefe as well of my best friend Paul Talman. Paul was sadly killed in a car accident in Cyprus in 1984 leaving behind a wife (hi Chris) and 2 smashing kids. I spent many a happy weekend with them at their married quarter.

Also among the photos are a few tantalising hints of the mural that was lost at Ajax Bay. I am still looking for more so if anybody has ANYTHING they think they would like to share please let me know.

Penguin News on Tumbledown

2008-02-13T19:37:00.005+01:00

I was sent this just before Christmas by Pete MacInnes (right hand of the 3 pipers you can see in the picture).

This was an article published in the local Penguin News about the ceremony held on Tumbeldown

A Chaplain Reflects

2008-02-12T08:55:00.000+01:00

I was raised as a Christian.

My brother and I would attend Sunday school on Sunday morning getting picked up by one of the church members who also had children. I have good memories of being driven around in a huge Ford Zephyr having many a laugh as the driver would sometimes "forget" the way home and take us on little drives around my home town. My mother and father would alternate who would cook Sunday lunch which was a very traditional affair of a roast with potatoes, veg and gravy and attend church every Sunday.

As my parents were Christadelphians, which is a lay orginization, we had no clergy so instead brothers and sisters (as they called themselves) would give speeches. Sometimes visitors would come from nieghbouring areas and be a guest speaker and sometimes my father would be a guest speaker somewhere. This meant that at times we would go away for the Sunday and spend the day as guests.

Every year a number of functions were held in the meeting hall. These ranged from showing old Laurel and Hardy movies, party games and a host of social events for us children. It was actually quite fun until I became a teenager and of course rebelled aganist it all.

This happened when I was 14 and my brother 10. Instead of going to Sunday School we would bunk off with our bikes and hang around a playground down town. Of course my parents soon found out about this when they were asked one morning why we no longer attended so of course I had to come clean that I no longer wanted to go. My mother was sympathetic and so we stopped going to Sunday School and shortly after this she also stopped attending church.

On joining the Army I was forced to attend church once a month while I was undergoing my 2 year apprenticeship. Of course this time it was a Church of England service and therefore much more formal. Absconding wasn't an option.

When I was posted to the Scots Guards church attendance wasn't enforced.

On Tumbeldown while being shelled and sniped I considered praying to God to spare me but it was more lip service. I can honestly say that having had an upbringing where I was told to believe in God when it came to the crunch I put more trust in the rock in front of me and the all concealing night. The prayer died on my lips, I found God distinctly missing from the battlefield.

Later I was to act as a guard for 100's of Argentines at Ajax Bay. One of the guard posts was located by the door into the officers area and another at the head of the corridor between the officers and the rest of the prisoners who were held at the back of the building. Every day they held mass though it was for the officers only. At no time did the Argentine padre include other ranks, so I guess in the Argentine Army God was an officer.

I have to admit that the Army Chaplain for the Scots Guards was an extremely popular man and was very well liked in the battalion. He worked tirelessly to provide spiritual solice for those who looked for it and also with the families officer as he always had the welfare for the family at heart.

In 1995 I started practising Buddhism and at last found the medium with which I could satisfy my spiritual side. What attracts me is that there is no belief in God but rather that each of us have it in ourselves to awaken our Buddhist nature. It teaches me, if you reduce it to simple Christian beliefs, is that I have the ability to live a good life and that all my actions will effect other around me. It teaches me that I am responsible for my actions, there is no concept of heaven and hell in the traditional sense and that I will find these concepts in my own life and not waiting for me when I die.

This is the presentation he gave.

Angus Smith

What are the expectations of Chaplaincy in the British Army and how do they dovetail with an organization whose aim is to achieve operational success? When the present Chaplain General held the post of Deputy Chaplain General, he defined these expectations and the dovetailing process in the following way. He focussed first on the needs of the Army. He said.

It is an organization whose raison d’être, indeed whose overall motto, could be defined as “Prepare for War”, and whose aim is to achieve operational success. For this it requires good leadership, teamwork and a caring approach towards, in particular, the Army’s most vital asset — the soldiers. The Army’s core values are courage, commitment, discipline, loyalty, integrity and respect for others. In combat characterized by hardship, fear and the ultimate possibility of self-sacrifice, soldiers are forced to face up to their own mortality. Spiritual values are therefore of great importance, as these can sustain soldiers in combat.

A basic acquaintance with biblical literature will demonstrate how close these core values really are to the values of “faith”. I talk here specifically about the Christian faith, although much relates to core values of other religions and belief systems as well. Without doubt agnostics, humanists and atheists can be proficient soldiers. Many in all three services whose courage and operational successes are not only impressive but also praiseworthy have no religious background or experience. The only call they make on God’s name is in the form of a passionate expletive. Despite their living by their wits and often being just one step ahead of the “law” during their adolescent and pre-service years, one could wish for no better person at one’s side when penetrating closely guarded enemy positions in the crags of Tumbledown or of Mount William in the Falklands.

Yet having said all that, and explained the tradition I come from, I make no apology for saying that those whose lives are shaped by a firm belief in God and in the values of faith already have an appreciation of the core values already referred to. They are aware of the motivation for which these values provide a definite dynamic. Motivation, of course, is also powerfully manifested by the creeds and values displayed by competent commanders such as we had at Tumbledown by unit non-commissioned officers, Guardsmen and soldiers. It can come from Regimental Medical Officers and their staff. How fortunate indeed we were in the Falklands campaign to have Brigadier (then Lieutenant-Colonel) Alan Warsap as our Medical Officer, and then people of the calibre of Morgan O’Connell, the Principal Naval Psychiatrist. Their compassion, advice, wisdom and humanity were invaluable.

Motivation for the soldier engaged in military operations can also come from the confident awareness that family matters on the home front can reliably be entrusted to the Families Officer and his team. While this need has been identified and provided for in the three main British Services, and I dare say elsewhere, it is salutary to see the official recognition given to such important matters in the Introduction to the 2006 document “Operational Mental Health — A NATO Programme Adopted for the 21st Century”, of which one of the co-authors was Professor Lars Weisth. The document was sent to me by Mike Seear, who had also made various contributions to it based on his Falklands War experiences:

The new conditions have led to a change from a one-sided focus on providing and maintaining manpower, to a more balanced doctrine to preserve combat strength while protecting the mental health of personnel at risk. In contemporary military operations and war a wider spectrum of stressor has been identified. War-related Potential Traumatic Events (PTE) exist as always, but service-related stressors and civilian stressors need to receive more attention.
Under the heading of “Professionalism” the same document quotes from the publication “Stress, Appraisal and Coping” by Lazarus and Folkman. They make the point, which is really self-evident, that professionalism and training can enable personnel to cope more adequately with their tasks. That quotation is prefaced by the following statement:

The before-deployment phase can be a much underrated period in terms of laying a solid foundation for professionalism, in terms of supplying adequate and realistic unit training.
Shortly after receiving notification for our deployment, the newly- constituted 5th Infantry Brigade, in which the infantry components were the 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards, 1st Battalion, Welsh Guards, and 1st Battalion, 7th Duke of Edinburgh’s Own Gurkha Rifles, had a preparatory military exercise in Wales. In this exercise an imaginative scenario was planned. Infantry skills and operational requirements were practised. Good leadership at all levels, teamwork and a caring attitude towards its most valuable asset — the soldiers — came into their own. One day, when I visited a company during this exercise, a young officer, who was a convinced and practising Christian, asked me:

“Padre, how are you going to prepare the Battalion spiritually for war?” This really was a question which was never far from my mind but, when posed by this young and thoughtful officer, it became for me a more immediate concern.

Grateful as I was for the many opportunities to address the various companies for character-training periods and regular daily contact with members of the Battalion at all levels, this scenario was to be a new point of departure. If we were to be involved in combat, all ranks had to face up to the possibility of the ultimate sacrifice and be aware of their own mortality. I had by every means possible to give those, for whom I was responsible, some appreciation of the spiritual insights that could sustain them before, during and after combat.

How did I seek to implement this important role? Firstly by my identifying with the Battalion on the widest possible basis by taking part in the various courses on map- reading, radio procedure and first aid. By this time the Medical Officer and I had formed a natural team. Our thinking was so close at so many different levels. We were both, in our different ways, interested in making people “whole” (to quote an Anglican theologian) or in making them as “whole” as we could. Whilst each company was put through a basic first aid course, I was given the task of explaining “Burial Procedure” to each company in terms of our existing Standard Operating Procedures (SOP). Now the fact that “Burial Procedure” was changed when we got to the Falklands was really irrelevant. What was of importance was that a procedure was adopted which suited our location at the time.

When Headquarters Company came for their first aid course, the Company Commander decreed that the tallest, and possibly the heaviest, soldier in that company should act as the “dead soldier”. Drill- Sergeant Wight was selected — a great character in every sense of the word. Four sweating Guardsmen brought in the Drill-Sergeant on a standard-issue sleeping bag and lowered him down into a temporary grave. Faces were sombre. To defuse the situation I gave a mock “Eulogy” for the Drill-Sergeant. I finished with the words, “OK Drill- Sergeant, you may now join the ranks of the living.”

The Drill-Sergeant then flashed his usual ready smile and remarked, “By God Padre, I hope I will be fully gone when you stand at my grave. It’s an awful thing to be in a grave and see people gathered around it.” Much laughter ensued. His words, however, came back to me when I learned at about 01.45 hours on 14 June 1982 that the good Drill- Sergeant had been killed in the diversionary attack during the Battle for Tumbledown Mountain in the Falklands.

However, I jump ahead of myself, but the “story within the story” had to be told in its entirety. I think at this point of my reflections on events of almost twenty-five years ago it is important, particularly for this kind of audience, for me to say something about my ministry and task as a Chaplain for this venture. In the British Army, indeed in all three services, Chaplains are first and foremost ministers and priests of their Churches. We are non-combatants. We exercise our ministry in the name of our Churches on behalf of the units for which we are responsible. A realistic incarnational theology should expect that we have an intelligent awareness of the ethos, character and role of these units, not least to enable our ministry to “dovetail” into their life and work both on a spiritual and practical basis.

In our Churches, and particularly in the Churches which follow the Reformed Tradition, the expression, proclamation and commendation of faith is based upon the Bible duly interpreted and explained and applied, not only in terms of the historical dimension of faith, but also of its relevance to the contemporary scene in which one is placed. Now it would be strange if, in an audience of this nature, you would all be in total agreement with what I say here, but it is important you should at least be aware of what my thinking about my pastoral role in this scenario was. It should also serve as a useful pointer to the many correlates which undoubtedly there are, on the one hand in that document “Operational Mental Health — A NATO Programme Adopted for the 21st Century” and, on the other hand, in the theological premises on which my spiritual preparation and pastoral care of the Battalion were based. In the final analysis, of course, Professor Lars Weisth is a Psychiatrist and I am/was a Chaplain, but I firmly believe that in future developments of theories and plans in this NATO document, an intelligent dialogue between both these areas of experience would promote even more correlatives to their mutual benefit and enrichment.

Now then, what about the spiritual preparation of the Battalion for war? Did I simply have to proclaim the simple unadulterated Biblical message, and hope that the religious message would somehow underscore the military requirement? That could very well be so. One day, however, during the exercise in Wales, I had a flash of inspiration. Some eighteen years prior to that day, I had read a book which, in a theological sense, gripped us all as students. The book was entitled The Courage to Be and was written by Paul Tillich. The Reverend Professor Paul Tillich was a Professor of Systematic Theology in Germany during the late 1930s. He was one of several German theologians who were forced to leave their posts as a result of the intolerable pressure put on them by the Nazis. Tillich readily found posts at various American Universities, where his teaching flourished and attracted thousands of students.

Why then go back to a book which was printed in the ‘sixties in the search of a measure of light for the spiritual and pastoral task that engaged me in 1982? That certainly is a valid question. However Tillich, as his theological work developed, sought to engage with literature, philosophy, ethics, psychotherapy and several other departments of life. Tillich had, and I believe still has, much to say about our contemporary scene even if, in some respects, the book is undoubtedly dated. He has much to say about courage.

Tillich had seen that for the Existentialist School of writers “non- being” was the greatest threat and anxiety of modern man. He defined anxiety as that state in which a being is aware of its possible “non- being”. Now if courage (which Tillich defined as the power of the mind to overcome fear) does not remove the awareness of possible “non- being”, courage can still take the possibility of “non-being” into itself. This in turn enables courage to express itself in affirmation “in spite of”, that is, in spite of the possibility of “non-being”.

If that piece of theory is somewhat “meaty”, let me now explain how I saw one particular example of it in action. As the Battalion made its final preparations in the Assembly Area before going into battle, I went round to each company to wish them well. As I talked to one Lance- Sergeant in his trench, a shell landed fairly close, burying itself fortunately into the peaty soil. The Lance-Sergeant said, “Better come into the trench, padre, in case the next one is closer.” In fact the next shell landed some distance away. The Lance-Sergeant then looked at me and said, “Padre, if your number is on that bullet or shell, there is little you can do about it” Was that simply an expression of fatalism?

2nd Battalion, Scots Guards — The Tumbledown Legacy

2008-02-11T09:13:00.000+01:00

Alan Warsap was our medical officer but I am sad to say I have no memories of him. As I wasn't wounded I had no contact with the regimental medical team except for the crash course in battlefield casualty handling that we all got. I do of course remember many of the events he talks about such as staying in the sheep pens immediately after the battle and the time at Ajax Bay where we had time to wind down.

On reflection I think he is right in saying that the Battalion gained a lot from this and certainly I felt at home with the Scots Guards. I had a very hard time 1 year later when I was posted to 1QOH in Ireland as I lost access to to the one group of people who I felt I could relate too.

What I didn't realise is that so many Scots Guards left and that most had no contact with the regiment for decades after like myself. Of all the veterans that I met last year only Alex Allender seemed untouched by the events. I guess a combionation of a long career in the Army and the fact he was in his 30's at the time meant he has been able to adjust and obsorb the memories. For most of us who experienced it at a younger age and then subsequently left the Army and then lost the implicit support offered by being with like people the Falklands has been harder to life with.

Anyway here is what Alan had to say...

Introduction

It is close to twenty-five years since the Falkiands-Malvinas War. My personal, retrospective observations are made not only from the events of 1982, but are influenced by fifty years of involvement with the British Army from 1954 until 2004. This contact has included time as an Army General Practicioner, Regimental Medical Officer (RMO) and, lastly, as the President of an Army Medical Board responsible for examining, grading and sometimes medically discharging many men and women from service. An increasing number of boards involve at least some element of mental ill-health, mainly in men who had served in Bosnia and the Gulf War. Even today, working for The Tribunals Service, I still have contact with the medical and social problems of ex-servicemen.

As for the 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards’ medical arrangements and training, I acknowledge the full support received from my Commanding Officer, the then Lieutenant-Colonel Mike Scott, my Medical Senior NonCommissioned Officer, Colour-Sergeant Baird and our Padre, the Reverend Angus Smith. At the time of the Falklands I was, in addition to being the Battalion’s RMO, on the staff of the Royal Army Medical College. The Professor of Military Psychiatry at the College was the then Colonel Peter Abraham. He guided me as to what might be possible with regard to the recognition and management of immediate battle shock casualties. This information I shared with my CO and, having just been warned for Falklands duty, it focussed our minds.

The Falklands

On Tumbledown during the night and morning of 13-14 June 1982, eight Scots Guardsmen and a Royal Engineer were killed or reported missing and forty wounded. Psychological casualties at that stage were virtually invisible, or at least battle-shock had not led to defeat. I recall only three possible battle-shock casualties at this early stage, one not of our unit, and one who recovered so quickly that he was an efficient soldier for the rest of the battle and afterwards. The third cannot be discussed — even now. He did not engage with any part of our unit medical team, but may well have been such a casualty. After post-tour leave I recall one Junior NCO who exhibited classical symptoms of post battle stress adjustment reaction. He declined psychiatric referral — I hope he did well.

Recently I was encouraged to hear from retired Commodore Toby Elliott from the Ex-Servicemen’s Mental Health Society and “Combat Stress” organisation that of the eight hundred servicemen from the Falklands conflict known to him, only four were ex-Scots Guardsmen. However I am now aware that everyone, including myself, probably sustained a highly variable permanent mental scarring. In many this is dormant, but can be activated by life events in the future. What hides this scar is the great variability of individuals to cope with the mental damage sustained. The natural tendency in many to deny or unconsciously suppress the psychological effects of battle trauma is what medical and command authority is unwittingly endorsing (and I understand this). As a result stoicism is mistaken for absence of mental scarring and only manifest psychiatric illness acknowledged. Variability in individual soldiers’ reactions to the same battle trauma is mistakenly seized on to deny that mental scarring has occurred. For example, a heavy mortar round bursts near to and equidistant from two soldiers. One with poor resilience has a life dogged by intermittent mental ill health and dependency, often with a war disability pension to help support him. His comrade may appear at first successfully to have avoided mental scarring only to suffer partially hidden handicaps of suppressed symptoms which may or may not break through into mental ill health later in life. Variability is such that it is not unknown to me that some soldiers claim traumatic events in their careers that they have not witnessed themselves but heard about from comrades. They cannot identify what makes them now feel different but feel altered by their experiences compared to the person they used to be.
I emphasise the great importance attached to the psychotherapeutic benefit gained by everyone in the Battalion from the opportunity to “wind-down” collectively after the battle as the unit rested up in the sheep sheds at Fitzroy. Here, all ranks were jammed together out of the wind for about three days. We then spent long weeks, less closely confined, but still very much together in sub-units on a ship, and then on garrison duty on West Falkland at Port Howard. We travelled back to UK, still all together, by ship to Ascension Island, and then flew back to post-tour leave.

The dominating medical condition we had to deal with after 13-14 June was, for many, the pain and disability of trench foot. All through that time until we returned from leave “sick parade” numbers were very low indeed, apart from the trench foot. There were no psychological casualties at this time — that is, none were evident. Late on 14 June, after the ceasefire, our Regimental Aid Post (RAP) treated some dozen Argentinian soldiers for minor injuries on their way back to a holding facility in Stanley. I saw many acts of spontaneous kindness shown to them by our Guardsmen.

From the RAP on Goat Ridge on the morning of 14 June, during hostilities, elements of the RAP staff and I went forward in a Navy Sea King helicopter to start the casualty pick-up. As we took off we crossed the Gurkha mortar line which was close by and preparing to fire on a forward target, probably Mount William. The mortars erupted, and at least one mortar bomb must have passed through the helicopter’s rotor blade motion. We picked up, I believe, seven or eight Gurkha casualties. All were semi-comatose, sleep deprivation combining with the pain of their wounds. They were typically stoical, and we took them to the 16 Field Ambulance Advanced Dressing Station at Fitzroy. At this point helicopter evacuation formally ceased. Friendly-fire incidents, inevitable in war, take their own special toll — and we had been lucky to escape such a fate on this occasion.

Lessons Learned

Medical first-aid training for everyone, bolted on to all the preoperational work-up training, was most important. It was realistic and often confrontational, including the practising of burials and watching uncut films of casualties from the Vietnam War. This latter was the idea of the then Captain Tim Spicer, our Operations and Training Officer. With this the men were made first-aid reliant in pairs and small groups. However, it is important to de-select for combat any soldier with unresolved mental health or drugs problems, and also only fair to inform recruits about the full military significance for them of voluntary service in the Army.

Casualty evacuation plans must be very flexible and always a primary command responsibility. Delayed evacuation was inevitable, depending as it did on scarce helicopter availability. Here, the sustaining treatment given by the Pipes and Drums Platoon first-aid trainers was of key importance, embedded as they were in all subunits. The extent of long term mental scarring and acute shell-shock, that is, battle-immediate casualties, is directly related to the number of physical casualties and the intensity and character of the conflict.

Following the initial shock-effects of battle from fear, fatigue, explosions and sights, there follows a degree of ‘post-battle adjustment reaction’ for weeks and months afterwards, characterised by over- arousal feelings, family and social maladjustment, anger and aggressiveness. Our CO warned the Battalion about such difficulties before we all dispersed on leave. It helped us recognise such reactions as almost normal, and to be expected, when irrational anger welled up in the post-battle months. “If you feel angry you have nothing to prove,” I remember the CO saying. After battle and trauma you cannot help but experience irrational extreme irritation to the point of violence with the seemingly trivial concerns of those at home in the United Kingdom.
I now know, years later, that there is further, hitherto hidden mental damage for some to live with when post-battle mental damage leads to a tendency to develop ordinary mental illness in those vulnerable: I mean depression, suicide and even violent and criminal behaviour. Other burdens include alcoholism, drug misuse, family breakdown, nightmares, flashbacks, unemployment and destitution in extreme cases. Long-term, past exposure to battle seems to facilitate the early development of mental ill-health which might, anyway, have surfaced in the fullness of time in some subjects.

I recommend that the way to reduce battle stress in all its forms, short- and long-term, is to be found in the example of 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards: that is, allowing for a wind-down period to be made possible after high intensity warfare, perhaps along the formula of three days’ whole unit close-proximity living, resting, hearing how others got on, how they feel and their worries, talking through guilt and blame together, self-directed and in no way structured. This should be followed by three weeks’ less intensive interaction and debriefing. It would be helpful at this time for officers to brief the whole unit on how the operation or battle worked out (or otherwise) overall. Let everyone view the big picture so that the individual can understand how his contribution fitted in. At the same time, reassure the men that their contribution did help their fellow soldiers.

There should then be a total period of three months away from the end of hostilities, to include post-tour leave, in which soldiers should be relieved of any serious military responsibility and activity. There should be no enforced or organised counselling for all — especially not by non- unit personnel. In any large body of men, closely confined, there are always enough talkers and listeners to guarantee lively discussion and thought.

Long-term

So, long-term, what should be done? Of course, emerging mental ill- health should come under the care of military or veterans’ mental health teams with welfare back-up. For those whose lives are faltering as the result of their mental scarring, value is likely to be had, not from opening the mental wounds of past traumas, but by helping those affected to climb a tower, as it were, above their troubles and be motivated to look out toward a series of personal goals, aiming to relaunch them into stable life.

This type of therapy was first proposed, or something much like it, by Captain Arthur Brock of the Royal Army Medical Corps. He was a psychiatrist in the Great War at Craiglockhart, wartime military hospital for officers in Edinburgh. Apparently the building still exists. It had been a Spa Hotel and is now student accommodation. Here were treated officers, most from the Somme era, who were suffering from battle neurasthenia or shell-shock, which was the terminology of the time. This is a key part of the history of battle-induced mental ill-health, and famous among its patients were Wilfred Owen and Siegfried Sassoon, the Great War Poets. As patients they were visited by Robert Graves, the poet and author, who also had post-war neurasthenia. He finally attempted to put his past on record and behind him when, ten years after the war, he wrote his autobiography, Goodbye to All That, and headed for a new life abroad.

One way to help deal with post-battle mental adjustment once and for all is to write down one’s experiences, good and bad, and one’s reactions, whether in the form of a notebook, tape or book, and, as it were, lock it away in the past before moving on.

As you get older the past has a curious quality of becoming closer to your own life. I can well remember London match-sellers on street corners, often with a crutch and Great War medals; being told that a neighbour had “shell-shock”; being taught to fish by a man who had been gassed on the Western Front. At a recent Parochial Church Council meeting, of the eleven souls present, two had had fathers who survived the Battle of the Somme. With such reminders is it not reasonable in our more psychologically vulnerable age to make long-term military mental health and support provision for those affected by combat?

Practical help must include money. The current compensation for losing a finger in battle is £2,559 (single payment). Soldiers should not receive lump sum payments. They will need the money later in their lives and long-term, regardless, and rightly so, of whether the victim shows his hand proudly to his grandchildren or to the examiner for incapacity benefits. We all cope differently. There is no logic in giving compensation for a little finger and not for mental scarring. The scar must be compensated for, not allowed to develop into some long-term mental illness which the scarring may predispose the soldier to. How do we do this? A war pension based on the number of days in combat and intensity of that combat as judged from measures such as physical casualty rates, death rates, ammunition expenditure, etc? In this way, retrospectively, scores are produced for each day, the worst possible day being 100 points, e.g. the first day on the Somme (but no day will ever equal that). An agreed formula calculation could be arrived at so as to produce a modest pension increment to retirement pay for those exposed to agreed significant battle-trauma.

Practical help might also include regular, if brief, long-term follow-up of those becoming the mental health casualties of battle or those with high “Somme” scores, e.g. by Internet or text, and organised by the Veterans Welfare Organisation with Regimental and British Legion input. This idea was, in part, promoted by a conversation I had with Lieutenant Robert Lawrence, who was very badly wounded in the Tumbledown attack. Robert went furthest forward of any officer before he fell. I know also now that his Company, led by Major Simon Price, carried out an exemplary night attack in mountainous terrain, the worth of which I only recently came to appreciate.

Recently I have had a glimpse of medical advances which indicate a possibly more sound method of diagnosing and treating different types of mental health illness with the help of brain-scanning and imaging. There is hope here for the future casualty. However, I have two postscripts.
What is the Tumbledown legacy of the 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards? It is the intense low murmuring roar that was so distinctive and memorable as the Battalion wound-down during the time in the Fitzroy sheep sheds, exchanging their experiences, worries and fears. I shall never forget it and neither should the Army Medical Services. This points the way to bring practical clarity of action to the part-prevention and long-term military medical care and support for those damaged by war.

Finally, about five years after the war I was doing a short locum duty with the United Nations Forces in Cyprus (UNFICYP). Along the camp road I encountered the first Argentinian serviceman I had seen since the war. His unit was newly arrived in Cyprus. I was unsure of his rank and no doubt he felt the same. Each off us saluted early, only to salute exactly together. We were very much on the same side. For me the war was over.

Tumbledown and Mount William

2008-02-07T12:51:00.000+01:00

Eduardo Villarraza was the company commander of N company which was the company that gave Left Flank such grief and who were responsible for pinning our group down for such a long time.

Introduction

The 5th Marine Infantry Battalion (5BIM) — and therefore its N Company of which I was the Company Commander — was made up of both enlisted men and conscripts, the latter having been called up after their eighteenth birthday to fulfil the mandatory military duties required by law in the country at the time of these facts. N Company consisted of ten percent enlisted personnel and ninety percent conscripts. The enlisted personnel held the command appointments, except for a few cases in which these were held by outstanding conscripts because of a shortfall in regular military personnel.

In terms of training, N Company had achieved a high standard aided by the fact it was possible to carry out training in different environments and extreme conditions, for Tierra del Fuego is a region with a very cold climate, steppes and mountains, and dense woods and trees of great height. The terrain included large lakes and it is surrounded by sea. N Company also had access and a proximity to different terrains suitable for exercises and the use of ground, airborne and naval artillery. The strong focus of the training plan developed in 1981 called for a large number of out-of-barrack days, with multiple exercises at Battalion level that included all support weapons firing live ammunition, and exercises with naval gunfire support and attack aircraft providing fire support.

Deployment and defence planning

Given the distribution of the units in the proximity of Puerto Argentino and organization of the defensive system, the (Joint) Argentine Command was convinced that the British offensive would come from the sea and there would be landings on the southern coast. This idea was not shared by the Commanding Officer of BIM5, because we knew as Marines that to land on a defended coast is extremely costly, and we were also aware of what it takes to establish a military presence on land starting from zero, and then launch operations afterwards.

Furthermore the CO of SIMS alerted the (Joint) Argentine Command that British troops would seek to land anywhere on Soledad Island (East Falkland) and then execute their attack from their land bridgehead. Indeed the British manoeuvre was developed on this latter concept.
In spite of the addition of regiments — particularly Infantry Regiments the area of responsibility and sectors assigned to BIM5 were never modified, the exception being the role of 0 Company, which was originally deployed onto Mount Longdon. This Company was relieved by the 7th Infantry Regiment, and the Battalion recovered it so as to become a reserve. With the addition of C Company (Fusiliers) of the 3rd Infantry Regiment placed next to M Company at their position between Sapper Hill and Mount William, N Company adopted its final defensive system by occupying Mounts Tumbledown and William with a tactical area of responsibility from the edge of the sea up to Moody Valley.

The final defence organization was 1 Platoon located south-west of Mount William, 2 Platoon north-west of Mount William and south of Tumbledown, and 3 Platoon north-east of Tumbledown. Each of these platoons consisted of three infantry rifle sections of thirteen men each, a nine-men group of machine guns (7.62 mm), with the platoon commander and two to four additional men to man the communications and act, in some cases, as medical assistants. This added up to a total of fifty-two or fifty-four men. In addition there was a 60mm mortar group (three mortars) which consisted of fifteen to eighteen men located in an area to the east of Tumbledown, the 81mm mortar group (six mortars) north-east of Mount William at a location roughly equidistant between the latter and Tumbledown, and N Company Headquarters located on the east end of Tumbledown plus communications, logistics and a medical assistant, and a rocket launcher group (of four men). This latter group was placed under the command of N Company Headquarters and could be used wherever a threat materialised that was suitable for a counter-attack by these weapons.

This disposition was the initial plan set up with organic means, i.e. personnel and weapons. Afterwards, utilising the reinforcements received, weapons and troops were placed in the following sectors. Firstly at Mount William was located a 105mm Recoilless Gun Group (with two tubes), a Bantam Missile Group (two launchers), and a 12.7mm Browning Machine Gun Group. Then at the western end of the Tumbledown was located 4 Platoon, consisting of a well-trained Battalion Scout Group (approximately twelve men), and another group of men commanded by a Sergeant-Major (approximately ten men with limited training because they belonged to the logistics sub-unit.)

Altogether this amounted to about twenty-five men. They carried assault rifles, an automatic rifle (FAP), two 7.62mm general purpose machine guns and one 60mm mortar. Although all personnel were Marines, the composition of the platoon was not organic, and therefore their training had not been systematised or included with the remainder of N Company’s training. There was also a sub-unit of Amphibious Engineers of about twenty-five men who would fight in the infantry role.

The total personnel of N Company plus its reinforcements added up to about two hundred and fifty men. The first tasks implemented were locating the weapons according to their selected main and secondary firing directions, the construction of their positions and, as the final item, the construction of shelters for the men. It is worth pointing out that, for the short time we had available, excellent shelters and positions were built and these were soon to prove their worth once the British attacks and bombings began.

A fact which also needs to be highlighted in the disposition was the communications system at Company level, as well as that of the Battalion, for between landline and radio links we managed virtually to triple the circuits. In N Company alone, seven kilometres of cable were used to establish landline communications. Another important point to emphasize was the amount of ammunition per weapon, calculated at about twenty to twenty-five days supply, dependent on the weapon system. With regard to rations and because of the system adopted, hot food was distributed in the form of three daily meals until noon on 13 June.

Operations Commence

On 1 May the British forces began their operations with air and naval bombing. Since my position was located on one of the relevant heights I was able to observe with absolute clarity the moment when the first warships of the Royal Navy appeared on the horizon from the east, the naval gunfire support they fired from their southern gunline, and the Argentine aircraft raids against them. As of this day (1 May) naval bombardments began systematically, and would take place nightly from then on. Although not effective in relation to the losses they produced, at least within BIM5, the bombardments resulted nonetheless in an understandable mental wearing-down of personnel, for it was impossible to know when these would take place and what area they would target.

On the tactical side, one of my main worries from the beginning up to the end of the operations was the extension of the front assigned to N Company which, if judged by its dimensions and terrain features, should have been occupied by the Battalion. So extensive was this front, that, with the three platoons I had available, it was not only hardly possible to cover it visually, but nor did it allow for the establishment of a minimum reserve force. All this made it extremely difficult to defend. Questions may arise as to why. A logical action would have been to occupy and maintain the main heights, but doing this would have opened very extensive spaces between them. As a result of these, the British troops would have attacked our positions from the rear by placing fixed positions onto the heights and then perform encircling movements, with serious consequences for our troops. On the other hand, we were convinced from the first moment that operations would be carried out during the night. We were not mistaken.

An intermediate solution was then chosen with the idea of sharing mutual support between platoons or receiving support from the Battalion. Once the attack of 11-12 June on the Argentine troops located at Mount Harriet and Two Sisters had taken place, I had not the slightest of doubts about the attack continuing immediately onto our positions; neither did I have any doubts that it would take place during the night.

The battle

On the morning of 13 June I gathered my subordinate commanders together. I was sure the enemy would attack that night and that this could possibly be the last time I would see some of my subordinates. But, thanks be to God, this did not happen. I conveyed my message to them saying that the moment had now come to show what we really were, and what we Marines were worth. I also said that a creditable performance was expected in the hours of combat to come. From that evening of 13 June onwards, firing grew more and more intense. I believe that we were attacked in the Mount William-Tumbledown area by several thousand projectiles, since five artillery batteries, two ships and the mortars of the Gurkhas and 42 Commando supported the assault on our positions. According to information collected from different media, some 14,000 rounds of ammunition of high-calibre weapons (mortars, artillery, and naval gunfire support) were fired.

At approximately 22.30 hours (local time) Lieutenant Vázquez of 4 Platoon informed me that they were being attacked by British troops and the situation was confusing because his forces were becoming intermingled with the British. At around 24.00 hours, the Engineer subunit began their withdrawal towards the east, but communications with 4 Platoon to co-ordinate actions between the two sub-units could not be established as planned. Given the intensity of the fight, Lieutenant Vázquez requested friendly fire onto his positions, which was provided by both the Company’s 81mm and 60mm mortars. At approximately 01.30 hours I was informed the fighting had stopped.

Battalion Headquarters was kept permanently informed, and due to developments in the fighting, ordered M Company to prepare for a counter-attack. This was not carried out. At approximately 02.00 hours, a new offensive began on 4 Platoon’s position. The situation became very complicated for them because the British troops had taken positions to their rear. Mortar and artillery rounds were ordered again onto the platoon positions, reinforcements for M Company were required once again, and the Engineer sub-unit was sent away to support them. At this point an Argentine Army sub-unit (of about twenty men) arrived, commanded by Second-Lieutenant Lamadrid. Neither this nor the Engineer sub-unit could make it to the position occupied by 4 Platoon for, after having advanced half the way, they met British troops who stopped them.

Therefore between 02.00 hours and 03.00 hours on 14 June, the situation was that 4 Platoon had been engaged at the eastern end of Tumbledown without being able to break contact. The Engineer sub-unit was still in the Tumbledown and in contact with British troops, but unable to advance. 1 and 2 Platoons were at Mount William, with a limited possibility of being used due to a concrete threat from Mount Harriet and Pony’s Pass after fighting had taken place in that area a few hours before. On the northern flank there were no more Argentine troops, as we had heard on the radio that the 7th Infantry Regiment had fallen back with a great number of personnel heading towards the town. Lastly M Company remained in its position and had not initiated any movement. The conclusion was that the last line of defence towards the west comprised N Company and that this defence was being broken. I took the decision therefore to hold the position for as long as it was possible.

This was the current situation and, at about 06.00 hours, Lieutenant Vãzquez informed me that he could not hold his position anymore and was about to surrender. It was then that I realised we had a short time remaining in the Tumbledown. Meanwhile the Engineers, the Company’s mortar groups and Army sub-unit were engaging British troops. The latter exerted so strong a pressure that they forced our troops to fall back towards the eastern end of Tumbledown. Between 08.00 hours and 08.30 hours, it had already become impossible to hold the Tumbledown and I ordered the withdrawal to begin. This started in a somewhat disorganized way but, after the line of march had advanced a few metres, the commanders were able to regain control over their subunits. At this point we were having problems communicating with 1 and 2 Platoons, which were then ordered from Battalion Headquarters to fall back onto Sapper Hill, this marking therefore the end of N Company’s actions.

Conclusion

From my point of view, the following factors accounted for N Company’s defeat:

The front that N Company had been assigned to cover was extremely large when, in fact, that sector should have been the entire Battalion’s responsibility
The main effort of the defence was originally pointed towards the southern coast of our area, thus weakening the defensive positions towards the west.
The defensive system always gave the initiative to the British troops, therefore everything the Company was called upon to do only, in reality, amounted to just sitting and waiting.
The defensive system was, in general terms, static. We lacked mobility and this, in practical terms, prevented any offensive operations from being carried out, especially counter-attacks.

On the other hand, I believe the following to have been positive aspects of the defence:

The high degree of training the Battalion had achieved during the previous years and its ability to operate in cold weather.
As a result of this training, there was a significant confidence which permeated throughout the chain of command, with superiors and subordinates trusting each other in the roles to which each had been appointed.
The construction of effective defensive positions.
The guidance which platoon commanders, at all levels, exerted over their personnel.
The excellent communications system which allowed the continuous exercise of appropriate leadership over sub-units on the basis of precise and timely information.

As a conclusion, it might be stated that although ninety percent of the Battalion’s troops were conscript Marines, their performance demonstrates that effective combat-ready units can be achieved through suitable training in techniques, tactics and use of weapons, and, most importantly, with the appropriate leadership.

Plaque for Clark Mitchell

2008-02-03T14:39:00.000+01:00

Theresa recently sent me a photo of the plaque she is having erected on Tumbledown for her husbnand Clark. The memorial on top of Tumbledown consists of a cross erected by the Battalion with a brass plaque with the names of the Scots Guards who died on June 13/14. This is supplemented by an ammunition box in which are some materials for polishing the brass plus numerous personal momentos left by visiting veterans.

Theresa felt that she wanted something lasting to be left that would reflect on how she feels 25 years down the road and had this made. The words are her own.

The Close-Quarter Battle

2008-02-03T13:36:00.000+01:00

Major Simon Price was my company commander during the Falklands and as the CO of Right Flank he was responsible for leading the attack on the final 1/3rd of Tumbledown.

I vividly remember the events just prior to the attack going in. We had at last moved up through Left Flanks positions which were still being cleared, in fact as I crouched down behind rocks a grenade went off among the Left Flank wounded. Dawn was approaching and there was a sense of urgency as a daylight attack across the exposed mountainside was the last thing any of us wanted.

Rapid plans were made with 1 Platoon climbing into the rocks to the left so as to provide covering fire for 2 and 3 platoon who were going to sweep around to the right. CSM Ian Amos was rushing around making sure ammunition was placed in piles and pointing them out. I was one of the team who was going to be supplying the GPMG's and my mouth was dry, this was it.

Just as we were about to attack the magazine on his SLR went ping and rounds went flying everywhere. Ian muttered a string of oaths and for some reason insideme the tension slipped away.

The commands were given and the night erupted with the sounds of small arms and shouting. Right Flank threw themselves into the attack.

The Close-Quarter Battle: Right Flank Company, 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards on Tumbledown Mountain — 13-14 June 1982

Simon Price

General
Close-quarter fighting at night is amongst the most challenging of tasks that an infantry sub-unit can be called upon to undertake in war. Add to that the immensely difficult terrain of the Tumbledown and, in particular, the crag and rock terrain of its eastern summit, combined with poor communications and lack of training in night attacks, then all these factors resulted in a task that confronted the Guardsmen of 2nd Battalion, the Scots Guards as being one of gargantuan proportions. The difficulties were further compounded on that 13-14 June night of the Scots Guards’ assault by a most inhospitable austral winter climate of a force six wind with snow and temperature of minus six degrees centigrade which, when combined, meant soldiers were being exposed to a dangerous chill factor of minus twenty-two degrees centigrade.

What then were the factors that enabled the Battalion to be so successful in its night attack against the Argentine 5th Marine Infantry Battalion and some other sub-units of the Argentine Army? Using the story of Right Flank Company’s deliberate third and final phase attack of the Battalion’s difficult night battle, some of the key ingredients will be identified that led to an eventually successful outcome to the operation after brutal fighting.

Clear orders
At night the unexpected invariably occurs in a close-quarter battle. A tactical system is essential to overcome this problem and enable more junior commanders at platoon and section level to work around apparently insurmountable obstacles and then be able to exploit the ensuing opportunities. Today all these procedures are encapsulated in the British Army’s concept of “Mission Command”. Back in 1982 such a concept was not as clearly articulated. In Right Flank Company’s night battle the final objective could not be viewed from the Scots Guards’ positions near Mount Harriet area because it was in complete dead ground to the observer. The consequence was that a final assault plan could not be presented at the formal Right Flank Company Orders Group for this particular deliberate company night attack prior to the Battalion’s tactical advance to battle on the entire Tumbledown feature. To obviate this potentially damaging shortfall, a much fuller than normal “Concept of Operations” was given out which stipulated, unless countermanded later during the battle, what the Company Commander expected from each platoon commander and his platoon on arrival at the Company’s final objective on the eastern end of the Tumbledown.

Decisive leadership
Uncertainty in battle is one condition that any commander, whether it be at battalion, company, platoon or section level simply cannot afford to have within his unit or sub-unit. It is, by far, better to do something, even if it is wrong or perhaps unconventional at the time and in the unbelievably noisy chaos of an infantry night battle, than to be indecisive and do nothing at all. This was personified by Sergeant Robert Jackson’s individual hand-grenade attack on an enemy machine- gun nest perched high in the rocks. The senior NCO discarded his Self- Loading Rifle and climbed up a rock pinnacle to a position that overlooked this enemy position so as to throw a number of grenades with some accuracy onto it and thus neutralise its effectiveness. Right Flank Company’s battle provided a number of other outstanding examples in which such leadership, at all levels, enabled difficult obstacles to be overcome and ensuing situations exploited to the best possible advantage.

Surprise
Surprise during any battle, whether it takes place during daylight or at night, is quoted often as being a “battle-winning factor”. It is believed that Right Flank Company’s battle produced one such example when the Royal Artillery’s gunfire support that had been promised for the Company’s assault became unexpectedly unavailable at a crucial point in the fighting. The resulting action, to the best of my knowledge, led to the Company having to conduct the only British infantry assault on an enemy Argentine objective without any higher-level supporting fire of any type in the entire Falklands War. Paradoxically this, in turn, resulted in the enemy being taken completely by surprise as to exactly when the company’s final assault would take place.

Maintenance of the momentum
This key principle was amply demonstrated during Right Flank Company’s battle. During the initial lodgement onto the objective, and when the Company’s momentum became stalled due to cleverly located Argentine defensive placements, the Company Commander had to intervene personally on the first of three such occasions so as to restore momentum to the Company’s attack. If this had not been done then Right Flank’s attack might well have continued to stall throughout the valuable remaining limited time of darkness available. Obviously the latter is a key advantage to any attacking unit that wishes to maintain an effective assault on the enemy. The arrival of first light and then subsequent gradual increase of daylight would have probably started to work in the enemy’s favour.

The Company Commander’s intervention was required a second time when 2 Platoon became pinned down by a small group of the enemy in the central group of crags within the final objective. Then, when Lieutenant Robert Lawrence received a serious head wound from an enemy sniper bullet as he led his platoon in a decisive right-flanking attack on enemy Marine positions, the third and final Company Commander intervention was needed in order to resolve this difficult situation and, once more, regain the all-important sub-unit’s momentum of their assault.

Teamwork
At night, and during the noise and chaos of close-quarter battle, when vision is restricted to a bare couple of metres, both teamwork and confidence in your fellow soldiers, junior commanders and more senior commanders is absolutely essential for success. This final phase of the Battalion’s battle was eventually reduced to pairs of men carrying out basic infantry fire and movement attacks on enemy dug-in defensive positions. Such a tactic was loosely, but successfully, controlled by both Section and Platoon Commanders. Effective teamwork and confidence in each other’s abilities enabled such dispersed action to succeed against enemy bunker positions which had been prepared thoroughly by the Argentine Marines for sixty-seven days prior to the Scots Guards’ assault. Such were the strength of these enemy bunkers that the Argentine casualties from the Royal Navy and Royal Artillery bombardments and British Harrier aircraft air strikes as from 1 May were exceptionally limited prior to the Battalion’s assault in the final twenty-four hours of the campaign

Trained commanders
Primarily due to its traditional ceremonial role of London Public Duties, the Household Division also has had an accompanying tradition of obeying orders quickly and accurately. This stood the Battalion and Right Flank Company in good stead during the Tumbledown battle. When this asset is combined with properly trained and highly-capable junior officers and non-commissioned officers, then the result is that Guardsmen are capable of applying their basic skills to areas they are either not well-versed in, or have not been trained to tackle. The Battle of Tumbledown was just such an occasion when the Battalion, including Right Flank, had never been trained for or carried out such a conventional and complex Battalion night attack. However, because the unit had confidence in its commanders at all levels, all sub-units were most effective when the moment of truth arrived and they were put through a gruelling test of stamina and courage.

Artillery
The effective use of artillery is essential in limiting ones own side’s casualties and, on the other hand, unbalancing and thereby neutralising an enemy located in their defensive positions. Lack of artillery, when initially requested on the Tumbledown by Right Flank Company, triggered a major alteration in the Company’s battle plan. Also there was uncalled for, or misdirected, British artillery fire that almost caused a major “blue-on-blue” incident and significant own Right Flank casualties. On the credit side, however, the failure of effective Argentine artillery made our troops’ tasks infinitely easier. As a final point, the effective use of accurately controlled artillery fire from Right Flank’s newly won defensive positions onto the Moody Valley area immediately west of the Falklands’ capital, Port Stanley, contributed to bringing the war to a rapid conclusion. It also probably saved many lives — both British and Argentine.

Summary of the Actions of the 5th Marine Infantry Battalion (BIM5) in the Malvinas Conflict

2008-02-01T12:12:00.000+01:00

This is the presentation given by Carlos Hugo Robacio Commanding Officer of BIM5

Once the Malvinas were re-taken by the Amphibious Task Force, the Landing Force returned immediately to the mainland, leaving behind a small garrison of the Argentine Army. Meanwhile the national government began handling the crisis with the clear intention of discussing seriously and through diplomatic channels the litigation of sovereignty between both contenders. Sadly the British Government put all its effort into recovering the archipelago through force of arms. This required the reinforcement of the garrison that had been left behind, for which the 5th Marine Infantry Battalion (BIM5) was deployed in addition to other units belonging to the Army, Air Force and the Navy.

The unit arrived on 8 April 1982 and, with the purpose of providing direct support to BIM5, B Battery of the BIAC and a platoon of Amphibious Engineers were added later, as was a 12.7mm Machine Gun Company of which a single platoon was assigned. On 16 April, the definitive defence order was distributed to the unit, assigning responsibility over Mounts Tumbledown and William, and Sapper Hill. O (-) Company was constituted as a reserve and prepared for counterattacks on these features. The positions were occupied from the first day of arrival, given the capacity of the British Task Force for executing large incursions.

The baptism of fire began at dawn on 1 May 1982, and there was one fatality and five wounded on Sapper Hill from naval support fire. From 15 May, naval bombardments and naval aircraft attacks grew more intense, with ground-based shelling being added later. The logistic suffocation of the unit increased because both sea and air were in possession of the attacking naval force. The landing at San Carlos took place on 21 May 1982 and the duel between patrols from each side began. As elements of the coastal defence, and to raise morale by acquiring firepower to respond to the enemy’s bombing, an Exocet launching ramp was incorporated, as well as 155mm Sofma guns.

On 5 June as the Battalion’s area of responsibility was increased, 0 (-) Company was detached forward to the area of Pony’s Pass to set up a delaying battle to interdict the line of approach through Mount Harriet and Sapper Hill into the town (of Puerto Argentino). During the night of 11 June, the first phase began on the heights of Mount Harriet, Two Sisters and Mount Longdon, all of which were attacked by the Royal Marine Brigade and 3 Para.

BIM5 was then in the front line as the remaining troops fell back to Puerto Argentino and only some men voluntarily joined the Battalion, as was the case of Army Second-Lieutenant Silva and five conscripts, who would fight alongside 4 Platoon in the Tumbledown. Attention has to be drawn to an inexplicable diversionary attack in the direction of Mount William which was against the pattern of doing this at night. Performed during last light on 13 June, the attacking sub-unit was (according to us) practically annihilated by fire from our defensive locations.

It is worth mentioning that BIM5 both integrated and directed supporting fire from the two Army Artillery Battalions who provided total and indiscriminate support at critical moments of the battle. On the other hand, B Company of 6th Infantry Regiment, which linked the rear of Two Sisters with the troops on Longdon, and should have fallen back to the Tumbledown’s western salient, unfortunately did this some kilometres to the east, thus weakening the anticipated plan for the defence of Mount Tumbledown which had already been co-ordinated and laid out. Nothing was done by higher command to correct this error, leaving those troops to cover Moody Valley.

During the night of 13-14 June the attacking forces set out on their final offensive from the south-west at approximately 22.15 hours. On the one hand they did it straddling the road running south of Mount Harriet that leads directly to Puerto Argentino, and on the other they did it going directly over the Tumbledown where it coincided with the positions of 4 Platoon, N Company, BIM5. Initially the attack was repulsed and restrained by bloody and intensive fighting with well- coordinated fire support on the attacking sub-units and determined action from the men of O (-) Company — until finally the latter was ordered to initiate a withdrawal and re-group in the proximity of the Battalion’s command post, thereby allowing freedom to M Company, BIM5 and permitting us to carry out all our efforts on the Tumbledown. This was possible since C (-) Company of the Army’s 3rd Infantry Regiment — which had been put under BIM5’s command — flanked the access to the attacking forces that straddled the road.

Meanwhile 4 Platoon was being attacked in the Tumbledown by the Scot Guards and managed to repulse the latter’s first attack. Combat at this position would, within hours, acquire a totally epic meaning for both contenders. There was long and fierce fighting there. The Scots Guards Battalion assaulted and then retreated time and time again, concentrating their effort on the heroic 4 Platoon. They fought hand to hand with grenades and using everything that was available. Fire support from both sides was accurate. 4 Platoon was still resisting, their men would shout out victory and challenging words as they repulsed the first attacks. At dawn the assault continued with the Scots Guards pouring over our positions and beyond. The platoon commander called for friendly shelling onto his positions to stop the advancing attack, and requested a counter-attack to restore his position. Troops from another Argentine Marine platoon and one from the Army were thrown in, without achieving the success expected due to the prevailing situation. The attitude and aptitude of this platoon commander, as well as those of his men, turned them into role models. The commander, for leading his men in combat, personally engaging in the greater risks and contributing with his fighting spirit, made his subordinates fight decisively. These men are an example that the Marines must treasure with pride.

To the North, across the Moody Brook, the attack of 2 Para had neutralised the remaining positions of the 7th Infantry Regiment, thus threatening — along with 3 Para — our logistics area and command post.

At about 03.00 hours a counter-attack was considered using M and O (-) Companies. This possibility was refused by order of our higher command, thus preventing our last possibility for breaking the assault. At about 05.00 hours the assault was re-initiated in an intense and brutal way in spite of the shelling of our own positions. This was interrupted when 4 Platoon exhausted its ammunition and lost part of its force. Once the Scots Guards held on fast in the Tumbledown, the 7th Gurkhas climbed to attack Mount William and take the 81mm mortars.

At 06.15 hours on 14 June, the Battalion received the order to fall back to Puerto Argentino. It did not do this. Relevant orders were issued to cease combat and fall back on Sapper Hill to establish — given the remaining ammunition of M Company/BIM5 — the last defence. This was achieved approximately at 11.00 hours when new intentions to surrender were received from higher command. This happened at around 13.00/14.00 hours. The Battalion entered Puerto Argentino, marching past with arms at the shoulder, leaving a sixteen-strong rearguard on Sapper Hill with two general purpose machine guns (MAG) and a 12.7 mm Browning heavy machine gun. These made contact with an enemy wave of approximately six helicopters, and such were the circumstances in which the final combat took place.

Thus ended the action of a unit which — although trained to attack — had to fight in the heart of the defence at the Battle for Puerto Argentino.

Ever wondered in which order to wear your medals?

2008-02-01T10:29:00.000+01:00

Well wonder no more, I had this website pointed out to me as I have wondered which way around I should wear my 2 medals...

http://www.honours.gov.uk/honours/wear.aspx

Gus Hales interview

2008-01-31T16:24:00.000+01:00

During the memorial service Ex 9 PARA RE Gus Hales stood up and made an unscheduled reading of a poem he had written.

This is an interview with him conducted with Falkland Islands Radio with some random photographs I took superimposed to give you something to look at while listening.

Culture in Battle

2008-01-29T08:35:00.000+01:00

The following presentation was given by the Commanding Officer of the Scots Guards LT COL Mike Scott (who recently retired as a Major General)

Culture in Battle: 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards at Tumbledown Mountain — 14 June 1982

Mike Scott

Before looking at culture in battle, it is, I think, important to paint a backcloth of the culture of the British which, of course, underpins all that we do, including fighting in a war. What is that? Fish and chips, roast beef, the Beatles, cricket, the Royal Family, James Bond, the pub, the last night of the Proms, or poppies on Remembrance Sunday? However, you might think all that is a little superficial and we should dig deeper. Although multi-culturalism has been much in the news in this country of late, in truth the British Isles have been multi-cultural since the earliest arrivals of Celts, Vikings, Romans, Saxons, the Norman French and so on. We are the people of an Island comprising English, Irish, Scottish and Welsh nationalities — and I have deliberately put those in alphabetical order! These four nations share a great deal, but each has its own ideas of identity and particular cultural heritage. Our long history, our geography and our weather are but three examples of major contributors to our culture.

But the average inhabitant of the United Kingdom, despite his well- developed sense of humour, attaches enormous importance to his equally well-developed sense of fairness. When roused, he will stand up with thousands of others to demand what is fair and, if he has to, fight for it.

While not critical to the outcome of any tactical battle, success in war is largely dependent on belief in the justification for conflict and support of the home population. In the case of the Falklands Conflict, while historians and academics could argue the ownership rights of the Islands, there was no doubt, in the minds of the British general public, including the Armed Forces, that the Falkland Islands were a dependency of the United Kingdom. The Islanders did not see themselves as an offshore province of Argentina. Galtieri’s troops were a force occupying against their will and Britain had a contract to defend them. So my first point on culture in battle is that all my soldiers understood and believed in the cause for which they were to fight.

My Regiment is composed of volunteer professional soldiers. The normal contract for a warrant officer or non-commissioned officer (NCO) can be up to twenty-two years, so senior ranks in my Battalion had served for many years. Officers can serve in a battalion up to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. I was forty-one years old in 1982, but did not retire from the British Army until the age of fifty-five. (Mind you, the average age of my Guardsmen was only twenty-two).

We are also a family Regiment. Often men follow their fathers or brothers into the Regiment and some have forbears going back to the Battle of Waterloo in 1815. Officers and soldiers who have served together for years know each other very well and establish a close relationship seldom understood by those outside. All this combines to create an insuperable strength and depth of confidence in each other. My second point therefore is the inestimable value of a disciplined and
tightly bonded team to which every individual feels a profound sense both of duty and of personal loyalty. This is a battle-winning factor.

We are a Regiment proud of our traditions and our close affiliation to the British Royal Family. We are jealous of our privilege of guarding the Sovereign and, because of our ceremonial public duties in London, we have less time for tactical training than other units. While this is an obvious disadvantage, it does not prevent us from carrying out our operational tour responsibilities. In the years prior to 1982 we had had long periods of counter-terrorism operations in Northern Ireland. We were not as physically fit, nor as well-trained for war-fighting, as the Parachute Regiment or Royal Marine Commandos, but then they are specialist shock troops, expensively and specifically trained for impact operations. While our critics sometime see our lack of training or physical fitness as an inadequacy, I have yet to meet anyone who has suggested that more fitness or training would have altered the final outcome of the Battle of Tumbledown. In practice, our considerable experience of Northern Ireland operations, highly dependent on low- level section and platoon command tactics, leads to my third point. Whilst the minute-to-minute requirements of a full-scale night Battalion deliberate attack and ensuing battle might be different, all my junior commanders — from the Majors commanding companies of about 100 Guardsmen, down to the Corporals commanding perhaps only three or four Guardsmen — were self-confident, trusted by those under their command, and used to making quick decisions on their own.

While the plan and execution of our attack on Tumbledown is now well known, what is less apparent is that its strength lay in the fact that it was designed, considered, and enthusiastically endorsed by my command team. It was not, therefore, a plan autocratically imposed by me. It was, however, my responsibility to persuade the 5 Infantry Brigade Commander, who originally had some different ideas, to approve it. My fourth point then is that we have a very well rehearsed system for planning, and an equally well-practised system for ensuring that the plan, once agreed, is known and understood by all. Every man knew what was expected of him immediately prior to the Tumbledown battle.

It goes without saying that leadership, my fifth and final point, is vital. In this battle, once contact was made, it became the company and platoon commanders’ operation, coupled with the efforts of their NCOs. My influence on the battle was, in the end, reduced to adapting the direct and indirect fire support, encouraging and guiding the company commanders, maintaining a deployable reserve, anticipating alternatives if things went wrong, and keeping the Brigadier calm! Our records of the battle demonstrate our commitment to leadership from the front at all levels. Overall, we suffered eight dead and forty wounded — over fifty percent of these casualties were officers, warrant officers and NCOs.

A final brief word on the aftermath, although I realise it is being examined at this University International Colloquium in much more detail and depth. We acquired considerable self-confidence, personally and militarily, having succeeded in accomplishing a difficult battalion level night attack of a scale not seen since the Korean War, which had occurred some thirty years before. The six weeks in which we were left behind in the Falklands after the war, whilst difficult and frustrating, had the long-term advantage that we bonded even closer together. Platoon commanders were accommodated with their men. We had no family or media intrusion. Camaraderie, at a level no other experience can create, was established amongst those who had seen real battle at close quarters. These important bonds were made which will last for the rest of our lives. When we returned to the United Kingdom there was not for us any of the swaggering braggadocio of the conquering hero, but the quiet confidence that we, and others, knew our worth. We resumed our duties and got on with life.

In conclusion, I am intensely proud of all the men of my Battalion. They are the true inheritors of those who defended Hougoumont.

Hors de Combat

2008-01-28T22:05:00.000+01:00

Today I received a belated Christmas present in the form of book that was recently published as a result of discussions held at the Centre for the Study of Post-Conflict Cultures of the University of Nottingham.

This coloquium was attended by a number of former Scots Guards as well as commanders of troops that opposed us that night and makes for some interesting reading. I have added it to my list of books and is well worth the read.

I will endeavor to upload some of the accounts especially those from former Scots Guards including the Mike Scott, Simon Price and Angus Smith.

The book also covers a lot of issues such as PTSD and has a detailed chapter based on reflection and analysis of the conflict.

Fellow Veterans

2008-01-27T17:59:00.000+01:00

In this short clip Ian introduces us to 3 fellow Scots Guards Veterans.

Ian Morton was a sniper with Right Flank and was severely wounded during the attack.

Tony Blackburn and Billy Silver were with Left Flank

Discarded 66mm rockets

2008-01-27T17:17:00.000+01:00

The attack by the Scots Guards soon bogged down when Left Flank hit a virtual wall of lead as they moved off their start positions and attempted to storm the crags. Pinned down by snipers it took hours for the battalion to eventually get enough mortars and artillery registered on the more obstinate positions.

Once the company started to go forward it developed into a 2 pronged attack.

In this video clip Ian Davidson is describing how the left hand of the prong advanced across the North Face of Tumbledown. It was the clearing of these positions that unhinged the defence on Tumbledown and perpetrated the collapse of the defence line.

Most of the Argentine positions were on the South slope facing the Stanley road leaving a platoon of engineers to cover the North slope which faced Mount Longdon. It was these positions that were cleared leaving the Scots Guards free to climb up into the crags and fire onto the back and flank of the main Argentine defences the other side.

Scaling these crags in the dark, during a snow storm, under fire, heavily laden with ammunition and carrying ammunition was quite a feat in itself. Upon reaching the top the 66 rocket was used to great effect as a "bunker buster" and the effects on morale of defenders as they slammed into positions was very disconcerting. The 66 was single use weapon and once used the empty tube was tossed away. These have laid on the ground where they landed eversince.

Looking South from Tumbledown

2008-01-27T16:43:00.000+01:00

This short video clip is taken from the slopes forward of Left Flanks position below the crags looking out over the area we were initially tasked with covering. This area was covered by a formidable collection of bunkers both from Tumbledown and Mount William which is the mountain in the foreground. You can make out the skree runs which are a pain to cross in daylight let alone at night, under fire and heavily laden. Pony Pass is out of shot to the right.

Wreath Laying on Tumbledown

2008-01-27T14:27:00.000+01:00

It was ironic that in the middle of the Summer we would get to lay wreaths to the 7 members of the Scots Guards who died on Tumbledown and it would snow thereby mimicing the conditions of 25 years ago.

It was an emotional ceremony which I kicked off by reading the "Ode To Tumbledown" and then each of us laid either a wreath or a poppy.

After the wreath laying a bugler from the 1POWR played the last post.

2SG Diversion Attack

2008-01-27T13:13:00.000+01:00

For 25 years various accounts and books have documented the attack by 2SG on Tumbledown. The plans for the attack originally stated that 2SG would attack in broad daylight across the Southern slopes of Tumbledown from the area around Pony Pass. This was the direction from which the Argentines expected the attack to come from and as such their defences reflected this.

It was decided by the commanding officer LT COL Mike Scott that this wasn't a very good plan so everything was changed so that instead Tumbledown would be taken from the flank and rolled up. Part of this plan called for a diversion attack to be mounted from the same area (Pony Pass) that was intended to give the impression of an attack and hopefully divert attention to this area.

The diversion attack called for the men to crawl to within 200m of the enemy position and then go "noisy". Sadly in the confusion of the night the reinforced patrol walked right into the Argentine positions before being fired on at point blank range. WO2 Danny Wight (2SG) and LCPL John Pashley (9PARA RE) were killed almost instantly and in the ensuing melee and retreat almost all the other members were wounded.

The exact spot where this happened had remained lost until 2 pipers who were on the attack located the spot where the contact had been made. Not only where the trenches still visible but evidence of the fire fight was shrewn around the area including a discarded clansmen radio battery.

This video is of pipers playing at a small adhoc memorial at the cairn built by pipers Steven Duffy and MacGuiness. (Steve is playing the pipes closest to the camera, McGuiness is not playing the pipes but is wearing his pipers hat).

As the camera pans around you will see a glimpse of a peat bank. It was on top of this that the Argentines had their trenches and the dip in front the bank is where Danny and John were killed.

Reading accounts as to why they were allowed to get so close the Argentines claim that they were waiting for orders from their command post which was to the rear and that they had been watching the Scots Guards getting closer for the previous 30 minutes using night sights. Talking to the pipers though they remember the distinctive sound of zips on sleeping bags being hastily undone which would seem to imply that the position was asleep and the sentry who opened up was either totally unaware of the Scots Guards approaching in the dark until the very last minute or he was an extremely cool customer and waited until he could literally see the "whites of their eyes"

2008-01-27T12:34:00.000+01:00

Well I had great plans over Christmas and New Year to do some more work on my blog in particular with regards uploading some more videos. Of course the best laid plans of mice and men meant that I was either too busy entertaining or had flu hence nothing got down.

This video was taken from the main road (only road) to Stanley which passes to the South of the Tumbledown. The voice in the background is that of Theresa Davidson widow of LSGT Clark Mitchell.

G Coy objective is the hillock on the left, the area where Left flank is the craggy area in the centre while the area I was in with Right flank is on the right. The other mountain that comes into view as the camera pans around to the right is Mount William which would have been taken by the Gurkhas if the Argentines hadn't capitulated.

Artillery OP on Tumbledown

2007-12-22T19:15:00.001+01:00

Mike sent me a powerpoint presentation of a talk he recently gave on the QE2 and in it he used some photographs taken in 1982. The photographs were taken on the morning of June 14th 1982 on Tumbledown as the Gurkhas moved through our positions on their way to assault Mount William.

This video is taken in the same area that the Gurkhas moved through, an area we called "The Terrace", and shows that the fortifications still stand 25 years later. Quite amazing really. I will post more of these videos as they become available.

The are seen in this video starts with the heavily fortified Artillery Observation Post that overlooks the Northern sector of Tumbledown and in particular Wireless Ridge. It was this interlinking of defensive positions that made it vital that all the features were assaulted on the same night. The concequences of not doing this was felt by 3 Para on Longdon who endured shelling on June 12th and 13th due to the fact that there positions were overlooked.

Interesting Article by the Argentines

2007-12-20T09:00:00.000+01:00

I found an interesting article about the effectiveness of a conscript Army published by Alejandro L. Corbacho, Department of Political Science, Universidad del CEMA, Buenos Aires, Argentina. I have added it to my links and also included the section relative to Tumbledown below.

Mount Tumbledown: Preparation for Battle

On April 8th, the commanding officer of the 5th Marine Battalion, Commander Carlos Robacio, received orders to go to the Malvinas. Until April 12th, personnel and equipment arrived at Puerto Argentino. Once the unit was totally in place, the High Command ordered its members to prepare defensive positions around the capital. More precisely, the 5th Marine Battalion was responsible for Mount Tumbledown, Mount William, and Sapper Hill. The battalion had to cover a perimeter of 16 kilometers. To accomplish this, the battalion had a total force of 703 men. All conscripts, the Marines were from the class 1962 or older, and no new conscripts (class of 1963) were sent to the islands. The battalion was far from complete, since only the rifle companies, the headquarters unit, and a few logistical units entered the islands. Later, other Marine units would reinforce the battalion, including a group of heavy machine-guns (some 29 men, with 0.5 caliber machinegun), the First Platoon of Marine Amphibious Engineers (20 men), and B Battery of the Marine Field Artillery Battalion with six 105mm guns. Originally, the machine-gun group belonged to a Marine Machine-gun Company hastily assembled in Puerto Belgrano, the principal Argentine naval base. This company, some 136 strong, had a total of 27 guns and was divided into three platoons. When the company arrived in the islands, its platoons were dispersed, and the Marine Battalion used only one. The rifle companies were M Company (203 men), N Company (200 men), and the O Company (100 strong).

As to what to defend most strongly, the Argentine General High Command in the Malvinas decided to defend three “key” zones: Puerto Argentino (Port Stanley), the capital of the islands; Darwin-Goose Green on Soledad Island (East Falkland); and, for political reasons, Fox Bay and Port Howard on Gran Malvina Island (West Falkland). Map 2 shows the location of the Argentine key defense zones in the Malvinas Islands. All the Army units rushed to the islands without their heavy and support equipment. For instance, they lacked sufficient field kitchens, winter clothing, communication equipment, or even spare batteries to properly support the troops.

Unlike their Army brothers, the Argentine Marines were well fed, and they had good clothing and improved communications equipment. Also unlike the Army conscript soldiers, the Marines had undergone night combat training, and, principally because the battalion had been based in Tierra del Fuego in the far south of Patagonia, its members were adapted to the rigorous climatic conditions. During the period between their arrival and the fighting, the Marines were kept busy preparing their positions, digging bunkers, cleaning their equipment, and reconnoitering the terrain and coordinating and organizing fire support. The battalion was also well provided with entrenching tools. Because of their experience in Tierra del Fuego, they were well aware of the hardness of the soil of the islands surrounding Argentina. Therefore, the battalion flew to the islands provided with iron bars, which were very useful for digging in the rocks.

The actual combat between Argentine and British forces begun on May 1st with the bombardment of the airport by a Vulcan bomber of the RAF. The British then harassed the Argentine garrison, using continuous naval and aerial bombardment, as well as small-scale commando raids. Every night after May 1st, two or three British vessels bombarded the south coast of Puerto Argentino from 12 to 15 kilometers out at sea. after the British landings in San Carlos, the General High Command in the islands rearranged the defensive perimeter. Initially the commanders had expected the most probable direction of attack to be from the sea, with the British landing troops in Puerto Argentino or its surroundings. But later, those in charge decided to defend Puerto Argentino also from an attack from the west, while maintaining strong coastal defenses to the east and south of the capital.

Between May 29th and June 3rd, the High Command established the western side of the defensive perimeter along the mounts that surrounded Puerto Argentino. These ran from
north to south, and they comprised Wireless Ridge, Longdon, Dos Hermanas (Two Sisters), Harriet, Tumbledown, William, and Sapper Hill. This new perimeter was 48 kilometers long, and the Argentine forces could guard only 37 per cent of it. This meant that there was enough space left uncovered that the enemy could take advantage of the gaps and infiltrate the Argentine positions. Map 3 shows Puerto Argentino, its surrounding heights and the Marine positions around Mount Tumbledown.

After the fall of Goose Green, the British troops moved some chroniclers - say “yomped” - west toward Puerto Argentino, and after May 31st British land and naval artillery began pounding the Argentine positions in the mountains. Until June 8th, the only land actions were intense skirmishes between patrols. For three days the British probed the Argentine defenses and prepared for the final assault. Then the battle for Puerto Argentino began on the night of June 11th. The British plan encompassed two phases, the first phase being the conquest of the first line of mounts. The entire 3rd Commando Brigade under Brigadier Thompson would take part in this attack. The Third Parachute Battalion would attack Mount Longdon, the 45th Commando Battalion would confront Mount Dos Hermanas, and the 42 Commando Battalion would move against Goat Ridge and Mount Harriet. During the operation, the frigates HMS Avenger, HMS Glamoran and HMS Yarmouth would provide the supporting naval bombardment.

At about 11:00 p.m., local time, the British attacked simultaneously all along the western front. The attackers outnumbered the Argentine defenders by two to one. The British were using all of their available forces in the attack on Puerto Argentino; there were no more fresh troops in reserve and no more under way from Great Britain. Also, as Middlebrook notes, the British troops were tiring and were suffering, as were the Argentines, from the increasingly cold weather. The Argentine positions facing the British commandos comprised part of the 7th IR in Mount Longdon and part of the 4th IR in the area of Dos Hermanas, Goat Ridge, and Harriet. By the early morning of June 12th, after very hard fighting in some areas, British troops occupied the outer ring of hills surrounding the Puerto Argentino defenses. After losing these positions, the Argentines adjusted their defensive perimeter during the 12th of June. A Company of the 3rd IR advanced and occupied positions northeast of Mount Tumbledown, working with B Company of the 6th IR. At the same time, O Company of the 5th Marine Battalion occupied the heights near Pony Pass, southeast of Mount Harriet.

Tumbledown - Continued

2007-12-20T08:59:00.000+01:00

The Battle for Mount Tumbledown

The next phase in the British plan of attack was that the Second Parachute Battalion, with the Third Commando Battalion as reserve, would attack Wireless Ridge, northwest of Puerto Argentino. At the same time, the 5th Brigade, formed by the Scottish Guard Battalion, the Welsh Guard Battalion and the Gurkha Battalion would attack Tumbledown (229 meters high), William (213 meters high) and Sapper Hill (138 meters high), respectively. The attack, which had been originally planned for the evening of the 12th, was postponed until the evening of the 13th. For the attack the British brought up ammunition and supplies during the whole day, and there they confronted the Argentines responsible for the defense of Mount Tumbledown, Mount William and Sapper Hill in the west and southeast of Puerto Argentino: the 5th Marine Battalion. Leaders of the Argentine High Command in the Malvinas decided to attach to the Marine unit C Company of the 3rd IR in the south, as well as B Company of the 6th IR and A Company of the 3rd IR in the north. At 10:15 p.m., after a heavy preparation bombardment, the British began the attack against two companies from the 5th Marine Battalion: N Company on Tumbledown and O Company southwest of Mount William. The attackers were the 2nd Battalion of the Scots Guards. If they captured the position quickly, the Gurkhas were to follow through and assault the smaller position on Mount William. See map 3.

Assuming that the British would take one position at a time and then consolidate it, the Marines tried, as their basic strategy, to hold their positions until dawn. They expected the British to withdraw if they failed to capture these positions. The first action was a diversionary attack carried out by about thirty guardsmen of the Headquarters Company, supported by four light tanks. This was the first tank operation in the Malvinas Islands. The attack was aimed to attract the Argentine forces towards Mount William, and the British column engaged the southernmost elements of the O Company of the 5th Marines, which had been sent forward near Pony Pass. The British advanced while there was still some light, so that the Argentines could clearly identify the attacking force and its composition. According to the officer commanding O Company, the British were unaware of the presence of the Argentine force. The Argentine officer in charge fixed the position of the attackers and directed the artillery fire, which rained down on the Scots. This initial exchange ended favorably for the Argentines, as the guards pulled back, believing that they had accomplished the diversion. But no Argentine reserves moved to that sector, and the British had not yet detected the presence of O Company. Later, this company engaged the Welsh Guards, who were advancing in order to pass Mount William and attack Sapper Hill. After the men of the O Company had inflicted some casualties and delayed the advance of the attackers, Battalion Headquarters ordered them to pull back to Sapper Hill. The unit retreated, fighting all the way. Finally, at about 1:30 a.m. on June 14th, the company reinforced the defensive perimeter of C Company of the 3rd IR.

Next, the British directed their main effort on Tumbledown. The plan of the Scots Guards for the main attack was to tackle Tumbledown’s long, thin ridge in three phases, working from west to east, with each of the battalion’s three rifle companies capturing one - third of the objective in turn. G Company of the Scots Guards would attack the first third, the Left Flank Company would capture the central third, and the Right Flank Company would capture the last third.

Confronting the Scots Guards, the defenders of Tumbledown were N Company of the 5th Marine Battalion. This company positioned its platoons as follows: the 1st Platoon, on the south side of Mount William, protecting the road from Fitz Roy to Puerto Argentino; the 2nd Platoon, on the west side of Mount William in the direction to Dos Hermanas; the 3rd Platoon, on the north side of Mount Tumbledown in the direction of Moody Valley; the 4th Platoon positioned on the southeast of Mount Tumbledown toward Mount Harriet; and finally, the 5th Platoon, which consisted of the Amphibious Engineers, lay positioned on the highest point of the western part of Mount Tumbledown toward the west-northeast. The company was supported by six 81mm mortars, six 106mm mortars, the Marine howitzers battery and Army Artillery Groups 3 and 4. G Company (Scots Guards Battalion) approached silently on to the western end of Tumbledown and occupied the position without difficulty, because no Argentine troops were stationed there. Next, the Left Flank Company passed through G Company to approach the main heights of Tumbledown and, on this occasion, its men met fierce Argentine fire.

In order to stop the British, nearly all of N Company was concentrated on the eastern end of the ridge, deployed to dominate the open ground to the north and the south. This left only the 4th Platoon, led by Second Lieutenant Carlos Vázquez, to receive the full attack of the Scots Guards. Moreover, this was not even a regular platoon, as it has been made up from Marines spared from other duties. The platoon comprised twenty-seven Marines, plus a few Marine engineers, and sixteen Army soldiers.

The British used profusely rocket fire, but the Marines’ positions had been well prepared, and the men resisted. As the night wore on and the fierce firefight continued, the Argentines showed no sign of crumbling, and their main positions held firm. They brought down mortar fire on their attackers. According to Vázquez, during the first attacks it appeared that the Scots were overconfident, but later they changed their tactics. At about 1:00 a.m. on June 14th, with the Scots Guards occupying positions among the Argentine foxholes, the Argentine officer in charge requested supporting fire over his own positions. After a hail of fire and after being caught in the open, the Scots withdrew to their rear and to higher ground.

Up to this point, the Argentine casualties had been light. The 1st and 2nd Platoons of N Company had received only artillery fire, and they stayed in their positions in order to block any attack from the Welsh Guards. The 3rd Platoon was also on the north side of Tumbledown covering Moody Valley. At about 1:30 a.m., a platoon from the B Company of the 6th IR arrived at N Company’s command post and prepared for a counterattack in support of the 5th Platoon of N Company. But components of the Scots Guards and the Gurkha Battalion blocked these men. The British units had advanced from the westnorthwest, suffering heavy casualties from the Marine artillery.

Then, at 2:00 a.m., the Scots Guards reassumed the attack against the 4th Platoon, this time more violently. They charged on up the hill, began to assault the Marines’ positions from several directions at once, and took them one by one. At about 4:30 a.m., after the machine guns of the 4th Platoon began to run out of ammunition, Vázquez saw that the Argentines were losing control of the situation, as the British were occupying the foxholes, killing their original occupants.

Once again, Vázquez asked for artillery fire over his position and this time the Marines’ 105mm howitzers pounded the area. At about 5:00 a.m., the British initiated the third assault on the platoon’s foxholes. At 7:00 a.m., only three foxholes remained in the hands of the Marines. Finally, with the ammunition nearly gone, Lieutenant Vázquez decided to surrender. Of the 36 men originally in the platoon, 12 were killed, four missing, and five wounded. By the time that the Scots Guards finally captured the crest of the mount, their Left Flank Company lost also seven killed and twenty-one wounded.

The third phase of the battalion’s attack began at 6 a.m. This time, the Right Flank Company followed up the advance of the Left Flank Company, with its First Platoon taking positions as high up in the rocks to the left as possible in order to provide fire support. This put the Argentine defenders, a platoon of B Company of the 6th IR, under crossfire.

After what one participant described as a further “ six hours of struggle inch by inch up the rocks, using phosphorous grenades and automatic weapons” in order to force the Argentines out from their positions, the Scots Guards siezed Tumbledown. They occupied their objective eleven hours after crossing the Start Line, and their casualties numbered 9 dead and 41 wounded. Some of the survivors of Vázquez’s platoon retreated in the direction of Puerto Argentino.

This stiff resistance from the Marines upset the British timetable and caused the postponement of the Gurkhas’ attack on Mount William. At 5:30 a.m., Commander Robacio informed Headquarters in Puerto Argentino that the western section of Mount Tumbledown was in enemy hands, and he told his superiors that M Company and two platoons of B Company of 6th IR under his command were going to counterattack.

The enemy blocked this Argentine counterattack. At 8 a.m. the fighting was concentrated on the eastern part of Tumbledown and Mount William, but the High Command in Puerto Argentino denied Robacio authorization to employ M Company, which was stationed in Sapper Hill, to reinforce N Company. Finally, at 8:45 a.m., obeying orders from Puerto Argentino and after abandoning their heavy equipment, the 5th Marine Battalion and the remnants of the Army troops with them began to retreat towards Sapper Hill. M Company, which up to now had only received the attention of the British naval artillery, was positioned to receive the retreating Marines. The pullback of the Battalion, which was accomplished under constant bombardment, was orderly and according to regulations. At 9:30 a.m. June 14th, the fighting stopped and a cease-fire came into force.

Tumbledown - Continued

2007-12-20T08:50:00.000+01:00

Assessment of the Battle

At the end of the battle, the 5th Marines had suffered a total of 61 casualties: 16 dead and 45 wounded. The Scots Guards recognize nine of their number killed and 41 wounded. Nevertheless, while Argentine casualties thus marginally outweighed the British, British sources still acknowledge that the fighting was fierce at Tumbledown. On that mount, as the Sunday Times explained to its readers, “the Scots Guards were to face the toughest action of all. There a well trained Argentinian marine battalion was heavily dug into a series of intricate bunkers, cut in the rock . . . The firepower of the marines was intense and impressive.” The Argentine 5th Marines stayed together as a team and behaved cohesively, both before and after their surrender. According to Lieutenant-Colonel N. Vaux, the commanding officer of the 42nd Marine Commandos, the Argentine Marines marched smartly, holding their regimental colors high as they marched along the streets of Port Stanley. The British wanted to capture their regimental flag, but “to the Royal Marines’ chagrin, the Argentine Marines poured gasoline on their flags and burned them to ashes before the eyes of their enemies.”

A publication of the Argentine Army also explicitly assessed the reasons for the superior performance of the 5th Marine Battalion:

[They] possessed a well-balanced set of weapons, and excellent communication equipment. But much more important, because of the Navy’s particular draft system, they had enough trained soldiers adapted from peacetime to the terrain and the extreme weather conditions . . . At the same time, the Navy’s excellent logistic support system ... could sustain the outstanding fighting performance.

Certainly in the experience of this unit there were lessons, both for the Argentine military and also for all whom want to learn from the experience of the Malvinas War.

Conclusions

From this analysis of the actual fighting of the Malvinas War, the idea that the professional British Army defeated the concept of a conscript army has to be qualified in significant degree. The battle of Goose Green showed how a group of conscript soldiers could fight effectively when they have capable leadership from their junior officers. In this case, cohesion was generated through the key role of military leaders. Moreover, the Argentine Marines, which were not an elite force, also showed what conscript soldiers can do when they are well equipped, trained and led. In this case, the Argentine Marines were better prepared to cope with the emergency and to fight this small war. Their institution had provided them with the tools and the capabilities to perform well under combat conditions.

The official account of the Argentine Commission of Inquiry for the Malvinas War, Rattenbach Report, underscored the contrast in institutional approaches to war that the Argentine services personified so clearly in the Malvinas:

The 5th Marine Battalion demonstrated teamwork, spirit, and higher levels of training, professionalism and adequate equipment. These aptitudes were shown in the land fighting during the defense of Puerto Argentino. In this action, the unit established an outstanding performance.

On the contrary, when the Argentine Army confronted an unexpected war situation, its soldiers were not adequately trained and prepared to wage a war of the magnitude and characteristics of the South Atlantic conflict, especially against an enemy highly experienced and superior in military power. In this case, as Steward wrote, “the Argentine Army did not train its men or prepare them for the battle ahead.” In the final hours of the conflict, as a consequence of the lack of cohesion of some Army units retreated disorderly and the number of conscripts that run away in direction of Puerto Argentino.

Another institutional feature that distinguished these services, the Army and the Navy, was the system of inducting conscripts. The Navy arranged to draft new recruits bimonthly in five successive rotations, which helped to maintain enough veteran conscripts 18 during the full year. The Marine conscripts served a fixed time of 14 months. Conversely, as Stewart also observed:

The fluctuating numbers for the Army depend on the number of conscripts inducted each year and on what date in any one of the three training cycles one measures the Army’s size. Conscripts are inducted in March; the training cycle closes in October; a portion of the class is released in November, others in December and January, and the final group after the induction of the new class in March. Therefore, some conscripts serve as few as eight months and others their full twelve-month commitment. Thus the lowest number of men in the Army is between January and March (summer).”

In this case, the organizational culture of the Argentine Army and Navy was the critical variable. This culture defined the set of basic assumptions, values, norms, beliefs, and formal knowledge that in turn shaped the ways in which the soldiers and Marines behaved collectively. Finally, the Malvinas case was also a typical example of “combined failure,” in which the Argentine High Command failed to anticipate the British reaction and to adapt to the combat conditions. Argentina was playing a dangerous game without a contingency plan in case the British accepted the gauntlet thrown down and decided to send troops to the South Atlantic. As both the broader issues of the Malvinas War and the actual strategies for fighting it demonstrate, the full responsibility for the Argentine debacle lay, mainly, on the shoulders of the High Command and the Theater Command. The tactical commands did what they could with the elements provided for them.

Razor's Edge - Hugh Bicheno - Tumbledown

2007-12-18T10:02:00.000+01:00

I hope the author doesn't mind me posting an extensive quote from his book but this is probably the most detailed account of the battle of Tumbledown I have yet to read.

Since having gone back and walked the battlefield and seen the confusion that still exists today despite the wealth of information that has been published, and the fact that the majority of the combatants that survived the battle are still alive, I really feel that it would be worth the effort to research and record what really happened that night.

TUMBELDOWN

THE BATTLE FOR TUMBLEDOWN is, to date, the last battalion-sized ‘forlorn hope’ assault* carried out by the British Army, appropriately by one of its oldest regiments, the Scots Guards. There is no social animus in my earlier comments on the folly of sending the two Guards battalions to the Falklands. They are good troops, possessed of an admirable esprit de corps. Their officers, known variously as ‘debutante’s delights’, ‘chinless wonders’, and so forth, have a tradition of nurturing outstanding savagery under a suave exterior: a matter unexplored in Tumbledown, a TV film based on the story of Guards Lieutenant Robert Lawrence MC, who lived despite a rifle-shot to the head that destroyed half his brain. The other half retained an appalling memory of what the anodyne term ‘hand-to-hand fighting’ really involves:

I stuck my bayonet into the back of his arm, dug it right in because I had run out of ammunition. He spun wildly on the ground and my bayonet snapped. And as he spun, he was trying to get a Colt 45 out of an Army holster on his waist. So I had to stab him to death. I stabbed him and I stabbed him, again and again, in the mouth, in the face, in the guts, with a snapped bayonet. It was absolutely horrific [retrospectively — at the time he recalls crying out ‘Isn’t this fun?’ not long after this incident]. Stabbing a man to death is not a clean way to kill somebody, and what made it doubly horrific was that at one point he started screaming ‘Please. . .‘ in English to me. But if I had left him he could have ended up shooting me in the
back. I took his rifle, moved on, shot a sniper, picked up his and moved on again.

From the Dutch verloren hoop (lost troop), ‘forlorn hope’ was the designation adopted by the British in the seventeenth century for those sent to storm a breach in the walls during an assault on a fortress.

The 2nd Battalion, Scots Guards (2 SG) was on ceremonial duty in London when advised on 5 April that they might be going to war. The CO, Lieutenant Colonel Mike Scott, and Captain Spicer his Operations Officer (also Training Officer and Support Company commander and much later author of An Unorthodox Soldier) had to scramble in order to obtain even basics like rucksacks and Clansman radios. 2 SG was also understrength, but volunteers from the Grenadier, Coldstream and Irish Guards soon made up the deficit. As was to be demonstrated again in the 1991 Gulf War, the British could only put a fully (but not properly) equipped division in the field at short notice by cannibalizing stores across the whole Army.

Like most soldiers, Spicer blames government parsimony. In fact the armed forces were over-officered to an almost Ruritanian degree and were probably the least cost effective component of the British public sector. The Guards battalions should not have been sent because they were not combat- ready and other regiments were. Their unpreparedness delayed departure and also made them less able to make up for lost time when they arrived. That was not something forced on the defence establishment by politicians, nor was the lack of contingency planning, military intelligence, inventory control, logistical expertise, familiarity with key weapons systems and so on down the list. None were expensive —merely essential. The Guards had five weeks to make good their deficiencies before embarkation on 12 May. Was it supposed the Warsaw Pact would give as much notice of its intention to roll over Western Europe?

We have seen how 2 SG nearly became the victim of what would have been the bluest of blue-on-blues in British military history on 6 June. Had it been left to Brigadier Wilson, their reprieve would have proved temporary. On 9 June, the day following the Galahad disaster, he summoned his battalion commanders to a meeting at Fitzroy, which to their astonishment was filmed by the BBC, by now regarded by most as an enemy fifth column. It was an attempt to put a brave face on things for the benefit of the folks back home and he said nothing of operational matters until the journalists were gone.

One wishes they had stayed to film the faces of the COs and their staff as Wilson outlined his plan: once 42 Commando seized Harriet, the Gurkhas were to ‘patrol aggressively’ along the line of the coast road towards Tumbledown and William in the hope that the defenders would flee. Failing that, on 12 June the Gurkhas and 2 SG would attack William and Tumbledown simultaneously — in daylight — from the point on the road known as Ponies Pass.

Few things are absolutely certain in war, but barring day-long blanketing mist this was a recipe for a catastrophe that would have relegated the tragedy at Fitzroy to a footnote in the history books. The two hills were known to be held by a battalion of Argentine Marines, normally based in Tierra del Fuego and therefore well equipped for the conditions, who had been in place for two months and were set up to counter an attack from precisely the direction Wilson proposed. William, which would have to be taken first because it flanked the approach to Tumbledown, was not only heavily defended but was close to the road from Stanley, along which Argentine reinforcements could be rushed. Even if the Gurkhas were able to draw all the fire from William, 2 SG would still have to cross a minefield, then a large stone run followed by two smaller ones before assaulting into a broadside of machine-gun fire from much the largest and most complex of the Stanley hills. The slope was almost a defender’s dream and the enemy had built sturdy bunkers within the stone runs to cover the areas of dead ground.

FRONTAL ASSAULT ON the enemy’s strongest point — does this sound familiar? It should. It is the hallmark of the personality type dissected in Norman Dixon’s On the Psychology of Military Incompetence. ‘But General Walpole took no trouble to reconnoitre; and, without even a cursory examination of the position, launched his men in a blundering and haphazard manner against the strongest face... ‘The incident described was at Fort Rooyah during the Indian Mutiny, but any one of a dozen general officers’ names from the Crimean, Boer and the two World Wars could be substituted for Walpole’s. Wilson’s scheme held out at best the prospect of a Pyrrhic victory, at worst a loss of momentum and a morale boost for the enemy that might have doomed the entire campaign. According to his chief Sapper, Wilson’s reason for proposing a headlong attack was that he was under intense pressure to win ‘the race for Stanley’ — yet there are still those who feel he was unjustly treated after the war and ‘cruelly’ hustled into retirement. While conceding that whoever was exerting the pressure from London richly deserved to precede him into professional oblivion, it is an established principle of international jurisprudence (except, as we have seen, in Argentina) that a soldier not only should but must disobey criminal orders. If the knowing, needless sacrifice of lives on the altar of inter-service rivalry is not a premeditated crime then the term has no meaning.

FORTUNATELY MIKE SCOTT (no familiarity intended — there were several Scoffs among the Scots) had the moral courage to rebel, quietly but firmly. Here serendipity once more worked to British advantage because the CO of a Guards battalion may courteously accept suggestions from lesser beings, but takes orders only from the great Guardsman in the Sky or his senior earthly representatives. In addition, although the First Battalion, 7th Gurkha Rifles (1/7 Gurkhas) was the strongest infantry unit in the Falklands, it was politically impossible to give them the primary role in 5 Brigade’s offensive. The Welsh Guards were out of it and should have been withdrawn to San Carlos to release 40 Commando, instead of borrowing two companies from it to maintain an illusion of participation. Wilson either led with 2 SG or did not lead at all, and power therefore devolved to Scott. The brigadier was gradually shut out of the decision-making process until, during the battle, Spicer took it upon himself to shut down the radio link with Brigade to stop Wilson ‘pestering’ Scott. Once the Para battalions were taken from Wilson’s brigade it was an error to leave him in command. It would have been better to honour the custom that two Guards battalions demand a Guards brigadier, but no British tradition is more sacred than ‘Buggins’s turn’.

The staff of 2 SG quickly discarded the daylight attack option, and after Scott’s chief sapper, Lieutenant Peter McManners, advised him that it would take all night to locate and breach the minefield, so was the approach from the south-west. Scott therefore recommended an attack during the night of 12—13 June from a staging area between Harriet and Goat Ridge, assuming 42 Commando gained control of them on the 1 lth—l2th. The line of advance was the one 45 Commando envisaged and was straining at the leash to pursue in the morning of the 12th, but neither Scott nor Wilson appear to have been told that 3 Commando Brigade might follow through. The lack of coordination and inter-communication that Division was supposed to ensure was not Moore’s fault: he lacked the staff and the communications equipment, and despite donning a neutral Afrika Korps-style cap was presumed guilty of favouring the Marines even when what he proposed was manifestly the correct military solution. It was a command shambles created by old men in London squabbling over the limelight like pantomime queens.

Scott’s scheme, rubber-stamped by Wilson on the 11th, was for 2 SG to attack Tumbledown from the west. Once it was secure 1/7 Gurkhas would pass around it to attack William from the north, across the saddle between the two features. The Welsh Guards/40 Commando battalion was to be in reserve in the lee of Harriet ready to exploit forward to Sapper Hill. The attack was to coincide with an assault on Wireless Ridge by 2 Para, now back under command of 3 Commando Brigade. Tumbledown towered over Wireless Ridge and until 2 SG could silence the support weapons and drive the Argentine artillery observers off it, 2 Para was likely to have a thin time of it.

But at the same time 2 Para’s attack would prevent Argentine forces in the valley from reinforcing Tumbledown, so the two operations were interdependent. In the absence of time to conduct ground reconnaissance of his own, Scott gratefully accepted Thompson’s offer of the M&AW Cadre members who had set up on Goat Ridge on 8—9 June to guide 2 SG and the Gurkhas to their start lines east of Goat Ridge.

A cartoon published in London at the time showed two Argentine soldiers huddled in a trench, one saying: ‘No, no, you’ve got it all wrong. It’s the Gurkhas who cut your throat with a big knife —the Scots do it with a broken bottle.’ The 5th Marine Infantry Battalion (BIM 5) on Tumbledown and Mount William was to have the dubious distinction of being attacked by both, although in the event William was abandoned before the Gurkhas got there. The Argentine Marines on the Falklands were in most respects independent of the Army, enjoying as they did their own logistics airlift plus organic artillery, air defence and sapper support. To their credit, at the command level Marine Colonel Moeremans’ staff were fully integrated with Jofre’s, and inter-service rivalry was not a factor in the battle of Tumbledown. The CO of BIM 5, Lieutenant Colonel Robacio, broke ranks six years after the war, when he dishonestly alleged his battalion only fell back from Tumbledown and William because Jofre ordered it to do so, after the Army had been driven from Wireless Ridge. Robacio was provoked by press denigration of the Navy’s role in the Falklands debacle, but it was still a sad and demeaning coda to one of the few examples of cooperation among the services in Argentine history.

Tumbledown - Continued

2007-12-18T10:01:00.001+01:00

Scott’s scheme, given to his company commanders at 1530 on 11 June, was for a three-phase operation the following night, with G Company leading to take the western outcrop, Left Flank Company (LF) the main ridge as far as the twin summit peaks, and Right Flank Company (RF) the rest, including a large rock formation to the north-west of the main ridge overlooking an enemy logistics distribution point.* The main assault was to be preceded by a diversionary attack led by HQ Company commander Major Bethell, supported by a troop (two Scorpions and two Scimitars) of the Blues and Royals from the south-west, intended to keep the enemy’s attention fixed in the wrong direction. ‘Left Flank’ and ‘Right Flank’ are survivals from the days of red coats and linear battlefield manoeuvres. 2 SG and the Gurkhas spent the 12th waiting for the promised helicopter lift. It was not until 1600 that Wilson advised the COs that a higher priority had been given to resupplying 3 Commando Brigade after the battles of the night before. Scott demanded a twenty-four-hour postponement to ensure that Gwyn’s gunline should also be fully stocked. Furthermore, anxious as Moore was to relieve the pressure on the forward battalions, it would have been utter folly to attack without even giving the Guards and Gurkhas a chance to eyeball their objective. Early on the 13th troop commanders down to section level were flown to Goat Ridge and spent the day studying Tumbledown! William. The rank and file were brought to the assembly area behind the ridge throughout the day, under intermittent shelling that wounded a lance sergeant.

Bethell’s thirty-man group consisted of two sections from the Recce Platoon under Sergeant Coull, an HQ Company section including Drill Sergeant Wight, armed with converted Bren guns (LMG) and led by CSM Brady, and two 9 Parachute Squadron Sappers. They started from Port Harriet House and met up with the tanks on the road south-west of Harriet at about 1700. They rode forward with them until at 1830 they dismounted to advance on foot, skirting south of Ponies Pass. The battalion advance was scheduled to start at 2100 but it was not until 2045 that Bethell arrived at the enemy position he intended to attack: a cluster of above-ground bunkers built with peat-filled fuel drums, from which members of the O Company/Sapper group under Quiroga had been observing the British advance through passive night goggles for half an hour. The Argentine position was tiered, with the riflemen holding the first line, four MAGs and the command post 100 yards behind them, and three 60mm mortars 150 yards further back. The reason why Bethell’s group was permitted to get so close seems to have been because Quiroga twisted his ankle and held fire until Sub-Lieutenant Calmels arrived to replace him.

One of the MAGs opened up at point-blank range and the Brens promptly returned fire. Drill Sergeant Wight and Sapper Lance Corporal Pashley were killed in the first exchange and S/C 62 Iñiguez mortally wounded, the only Argentine fatality in this engagement. Five Guardsmen and about the same number of Argentines were wounded over the next hour and a half, during which the diversion drew fire from all BIM S’s mortars and the Marine battery. Calmels reported he was under attack by two companies and at 2220 received permission to retreat, while for his part Bethell decided at about 2230 that his men had done enough. So it was that the two groups disengaged at about the same time, but not before a grenade wounded Bethell and Piper Duffy. Carrying their casualties the diversion group then walked into a minefield and four men were crippled, leaving barely enough fit men to help the wounded and not enough to carry the dead, who were abandoned amid heavy, but fortunately peat-dampened mortar fire.

Bethell lost radio contact early with Lieutenant Coreth of the Blues and Royals, who drove toward the sound of the guns when the action started until, skirting a crater in the road, he drove over an anti-tank mine that lifted his Scorpion several feet in the air, dismounted the engine and shredded a track, but did not breach the hull or injure the crew. The remaining tanks did their bit for the diversion by taking it in turns to fire at William and Tumbledown as they reversed towards Harriet, also under heavy fire. At some point they emerged from the radio black hole and Coreth was able to reestablish contact with Bethell, at the time on hands and knees with Sapper Lance Corporal Foran and Piper Duffy, using a torch to identify mines. It was not until 0200 that they made it back to the road, where Coreth picked up the wounded and rushed them to the 42 Commando RAP south-west of Harriet.

The diversion cost two of the nine British killed and eleven of the forty- three wounded during the battle. Its success can be measured by the fact that when Jofre published his apologia in 1987, he still believed a full battalion attack with armoured support was launched out of Ponies Pass (see Diagram 7, p. 313). Perhaps more to the point Robacio, Pernias and Villarraza believed it at the time, which is a good part of the reason why Vázquez’s, Silva’s and Miño’s men at the western end of Tumbledown were left to fight the main body of 2 SG on their own. Foran got an MM for mine clearing under fire, but Bethell only a Mention in Despatches for devising and executing a brilliantly successful operation that saved many lives, in which he repeatedly risked his own to attack enemy positions and recover his wounded. Leading the main attack, Major Dalzell-Jobs’ G Company advanced a mile without alerting the enemy. The temperature had fallen below freezing and the night was darkened by snow flurries driven by fierce winds into the back of the advancing Guards — and into the eyes of the defenders on Tumbledown. It was not until Major Kiszeley’s LF Company passed through, entering the relatively sheltered saddle between the western outcrop and Tumbledown proper at about 2230, that Miño’s and Silva’s men spotted them. They held fire until the two leading platoons were in the middle of the saddle and then a stunning volume of fire drove the Guards to cover, behind a peat bank they were extraordinarily lucky not to have crossed before the firing started.

‘Everybody got down because the initial firefight was incredible, it was like being at the wrong end of a machine-gun range,’ Lieutenant Mitchell of 15 Platoon recalled. ‘Bullets at close range cracked like a whip over your head. The air was full of bits of lead and chunks of rock, which were being broken off and were flying around all over the place. . . You had the feeling that if you raised your hand slightly in the air it would be shot off.’

Guardsman Stirling was killed and 15 Platoon Sergeant Jackson wounded in the initial fusillade. Newly graduated 2nd Lieutenant Stuart’s 13 Platoon was out of the immediate line of fire and ran forward to hook around Mifio’s northern flank, only to run into accurate rifle fire, possibly from Lucero’s platoon. Platoon Sergeant Simeon and Guardsman Tanbini were killed and when CSM Nicol and Lance Corporal Eyre went to their aid they were wounded: Nicol by a bullet that struck the barrel of his rifle, held across his chest, and ricocheted through his hand. He thought it likely they were all victims of a single sniper.

Tumbledown - Continued

2007-12-18T10:01:00.000+01:00

In the expectation that the British would renew their offensive during the night of 12—13 June, Jofre’s hasty redeployments created a decidedly messy command and control situation in Moody Brook valley. He retained personal command of the three companies in the valley, when EX 10 on the western end of Wireless Ridge should have been put under RIM 7’s Giménez, and RIM 6/B on the north-eastern extension of Tumbledown under BIM S’s Robacio (see Map 30, p.286). The rest of RIM 3 (bar C Company, plonked in the middle of BIM 5 under Robacio’s command for no obvious reason) should have been brought forward under its CO Lieutenant Colonel Comini to form a coherent reserve force in Moody Brook. The result of not doing so was that the defenders were never able to make their greater numbers and firepower count: there was no tactical coordination, so each unit fought its own battle and was defeated piecemeal.

After the war Jofre admitted his generalship was unbalanced by a fixation on the threat of a British attack from the south, but the fundamental flaw was to have ignored the principle of concentration. Now the range had closed, however, he hoped the Army artillery under Brigade command, would break up any enemy attack before it closed with the infantry. The gunners had defied all efforts to knock them out, making a virtue of the regular necessity to re-site their self-burying weapons by leaving mockups behind to draw enemy fire. Akhurst, the Battery Commander attached to 45 Commando, ruefully admitted that he wasted much of his counter-battery fire on old tires and sections of drainpipe under camouflage nets.*

Before 13-14 June British air attacks, naval gunfire and land counter-battery fire disabled no mortars, no rocket launchers and only one gun each in GA 3, GAA 4 and the Marine battery.

Robacio’s sector was, on paper, a tough nut to crack. He had the Marine battery of howitzers plus four 105mm rocket launchers, four 120mm, six 106mm and six 81mm mortars under his direct command. Two more rocket launchers, six 60mm mortars, two Bantam anti-tank missile groups, eight heavy machine-guns and two dozen MAGs were under platoon command on Tumbledown William. However his HQ at Felton Stream was too far back, an error compounded by having the Amphibious Engineers under Major Menghini co-located. Robacio was far too concerned with countering a possible attack from the south, and his rifle companies were therefore spread too thin. One company, even one with four rifle platoons like Captain Villarraza’s command (N Company), could not adequately defend both Tumbledown and William. Captain Cionchi’s M Company on Sapper Hill was behind wide belts of mines that required only a machine-gun platoon to cover them. The rifle platoons should have gone with the 81mm Mortar Platoon when it was sent to William, permitting N Company to concentrate on Tumbledown. The battalion reserve —O Company under battalion 2 i/c Major Pernias — was probably on the reverse slope at a point central to the whole defensive scheme, where the two hills offered some protection from naval gunfire and land artillery. Pernias sent a platoon under Sub- Lieutenant Quiroga reinforced by a section of Sappers, a total of thirty-seven men, to a position in front of William, covering Ponies Pass, where it was to play an equivocal and, from the British point of view, crucially important part in the battle.

Villarraza’s scheme for the defence of Tumbledown William was inflexibly set up to counter an attack from the south (see Map 31, p. 290). Most of his firepower eggs were in the basket of Sub-Lieutenant Bianchi’s platoon on William, with Sub- Lieutenant Oruezabala’s platoon in support from the military crest down among the stone runs. His third platoon, under Staff Sergeant Lucero, was posted to cover Moody Brook valley from an isolated position close against the northern cliff face of Tumbledown. When Robacio gave him another twenty-seven-man platoon from HQ Company, Villarraza sent it to the western end of Tumbledown, but told 2nd Lieutenant Vázquez his task was to bring the expected attack from the south under flanking fire. It is easy to see why he discounted an attack from the west: that end of Tumbledown is narrow, dauntingly steep and any advance up the hill is channelled into a narrow defile between rock walls, at the foot of which a twenty-five-man platoon of Marine Sappers under 2nd Lieutenant Mifio was located. An outcrop further to the west was not judged worth defending because an enemy advance from there would run into fire from Mifio’s position, which overlooked it, while the flanks were covered by MAGs at the western ends of Lucero’s and Vázquez’s positions. The position was further strengthened in the early morning of the 12th when Silva arrived with his fifteen-man RI 4 section from South Sister, and readily agreed to cover the gap between Mifio’s men and Vázquez’s right flank.* The ground in the area was well drained, permitting the defenders to construct deep dug-outs with steps up to narrow exits within strong sangars, some under overhanging boulders.

Nobody would have attacked here — knowing it to be so strongly held — without smothering the defenders with artillery, but Scott was not granted the time to recce the objective and the outcrop prevented direct sight of the western end of Tumbledown from Goat Ridge.

Mosterin from Harriet and Liambias from South Sister also arrived at Vázquez’ position before continuing, respectively, to William and Sapper Hill. He also lacked the artillery resources to perform all the fire missions that such a large objective merited. He could call on nine 105mm light guns, three with newly arrived 97 Battery, 4th Field Regiment RA and the six of her sister 29 Battery, which had been on the island as long as the three batteries (7, 8 and 79) of 29 Commando Regiment RA. Additional support came from his own, 1/7 Gurkhas’ and 42 Commando’s mortars, plus the four enemy 120mm mortars captured on Harriet. The problem was ammunition, and with severe weather hampering resupply and priority given to restocking the batteries in action on the 11th—12th, it was not until the 13th that he could order a general ‘softening up’ of the objective. Jaimet, who was at the relatively sheltered north-eastern end of Tumbledown, described what it was like at the receiving end:

British artillery fire. . . went up and down the mountain [which] quaked and shuddered under the impacts. The [phosphorus] shells were like flying kerosene tins filled with hot metal fragments… I saw them hit some soldiers near me and they burned through the thickest clothing, parkas, jackets, pullovers, everything, through to the flesh. I heard the cries of the wounded. . . calling for their comrades. . . twelve men before nightfall. We thought we had suffered before, but what luxury and comfort compared to this.

Without specific targeting information, Scott really had no choice but to order a silent advance to contact. Once battle was joined he would be able to call on naval gunfire from the three 4.5-inch guns of Yarmouth and Active in the gun line to the south. Unfortunately he took the advice of his inexperienced Battery Commander, Major Gwyn, over that of Naval Gunfire Observer Captain Brown, outranked but fresh from outstanding success in close support of 45 Commando on the Sisters, and before that at South Georgia and Pebble Island. During the battle Gwyn lost radio contact with his forward observers, but continued to believe he could target his guns more accurately than the Naval Gunfire Observer: an absurdity when the ships enjoyed the benefit of the computers and modern gunnery aids the RA had been obliged to leave behind. The result was that although Gwyn’s fire plan successfully isolated the western end of Tumbledown, and divided William from Tumbledown, the close support the infantry needed was denied to them for many hours. For his part, Vázquez had the utmost difficulty persuading his own gunners and mortar men to fire on his position — the enemy was in the open, his men safe in their dug-outs. He did not finally get the desired response until in exasperation he sent the gunners a request (via battalion commander Robacio, no less) to perform an unnatural act on themselves with their gun tubes.

ARGENTINE

5th Marine Infantry Battalion (RIM 5)
CO — Lt Col Robacio, RSM Hemández
2i/c — Lt Col Ponce, Ops — Maj Pernias
M Company (Sapper Hill) — Capt Cionchi
(RIM 3/C’s 4 x 120mm mortars, 3 HMG, 6 MAG)
RI 4 Group — Sub-Lt Llambias
RIM 3/C (under BIM 5 command) — Lt Binotti
N Coy (Tumbledown/William) — Capt Villarraza, CSM Nufiez
Forward Observer - 2Lt de Marco
1 Platoon — Sub-Lt Bianchi (2 Bantam AT, 2 x 105 RCL, 3 HMG, 6 MAG)
RI 12 Group — Sub-Lt Mosterin
Mortar Platoon (from M Company) - WO Cuñé (6 x 81mm mortars)
2 Platoon — Sub-Lt Oruezabala (2 HMG, 3 MAG)
3 Platoon- SSgtLucem (60mm mortar, 3 HMG)
4 Platoon — 2Lt Vázquez/Sgt Fochesatto (60mm mortar, 3 MAG)
RI 4 Group — 2Lt Silva
Amph Eng 5 Platoon — 2Lt Mifio
O Coy — Maj Pernias
Ponies Pass Platoon — Sub-Lts Quiroga/Calmels
(3 x 60mm mortars, 4 MAG)
Amph Eng 1 section — 2Lt Valdéz Zabala
Heavy Weapons Group —2 Lt Galluzzi
(6 x 106mm mortars, 4 x 105 RCL)
6th Mech Inf Regiment (RIM 6)— Maj Jaimet
B Coy — Lt Abella
1 Platoon — Sub-Lt de Ia Madrid
2 Platoon — Sub-Lt Franco
Comando 602/3 Platoon Capt Ferrero
Artillery Support Marine Batt (6 x 105mm) — 2Lt Abadal
GA3(12x 105mm)

BRITISH

2nd Battalion, The Scots Guards (2 SG)
CO — Lt Col Scott, RSM MacKenzie
2i/c — Maj Mackay-Dick, Ops — Capt Spicer
HQ Coy — Maj Bethell/CSM Braby (Ponies Pass)
G Coy — Maj Dalzell-Jobs
7 Platoon — Lt Johnson
8 Platoon — Lt Page
9 Platoon — 2Lt Blount/Sgt McDonald
LF (Left Flank) Coy — Maj Kiszely/CSM Nicol
Forward Observer — Capt Nicol
13 Platoon — 2Lt Stuart/Sgt Simeon
14 Platoon Lt Fraser
15 Platoon — Lt Mitchell
RF (Right Flank) Coy — Maj Price/CSM Amos
Forward Observer — Capt Miller
1 Platoon — 2Lt Dalrymple/Sgt Crawford
2 Platoon — Lt Lawrence/Sgt Robertson
3 Platoon — 2Lt Mathewson/Sgt Jackson (with Company 2i/c Capt Bryden)
Support (F) Coy — Capt Spicer
Anti-Tank Platoon — Capt Campbell-Lamerton
Recce Platoon — Capt Scott/Sgt Allum
Mortar Platoon (Harriet) — (6 x 81mm mortars, 6 x HMG)
42 Commando and 1/7 Gurklsas 6 x 81mm mortars each
9 Para Sq RE — Maj Davies/SSM Walker
3 Troop — Lt McManners Blues and Royals (2 Scorpions/2 Scimitars)
4 Troop — Lt Coreth
Artillery support 29/97 Batts, 4 Field Regt RA (9 x 105mm)
Battery Commander - Maj Gwyn
Active and Yarmouth (3 x 4.5-inch)
Naval Gunfire Observer — Capt Brown

Tumbledown - Continued

2007-12-18T10:00:00.000+01:00

LF Company was now in the same situation as 3 Para/B after the first rush ran out of momentum on Longdon, with the deadly difference that here the enemy was firmly in control of the high ground. The company was stuck for over three hours, although on the left 13 Platoon retained its lodgement in the rocks to the right of Mifio’s position, from which Lance Sergeants Davidson and McGuiness chipped away at the Argentine Sappers’ resolve with anti-tank rockets and phosphorus grenades. Lacking similar cover, attempts by Mitchell’s platoon to outflank right brought them progressively further into the prepared arcs of fire from the SilvaNázquez position. Eventually all progress stopped, despite several daring forays by Guardsman Reynolds.* Kiszeley became separated from his forward observer, Captain Nicol, during the first firefight and once they found each other they also found they were in an area of very poor radio reception. The result was that Väzquez won the race to obtain close artillery support, and when Nicol and Gwyn finally got back in contact it was no longer possible to differentiate between own and enemy shells. BIM 5’s guns and mortars also beat up the outcrop, wounding a number of G Company men including 9 Platoon Sergeant McDonald, while beyond it Scott’s HQ group was bracketed by successive salvos. The HQ group ran forward to take cover in the outcrop as a third salvo tore up the ground where they had been. This may have been the work of the Argentine 155s: Spicer describes an explosion too powerful to have been caused by mere 105s, which excavated the peat bank behind which the HQ Group had been sheltering. The breakthrough started at about 0200 when Gwyn at last started dropping shells close enough, permitting Mitchell’s platoon to get in among Vázquez’s men, at about the same time that Mifio, outflanked by Stuart’s platoon and deserted by most of his men, abandoned his position and retreated up the hill. The telephone cables were cut and the British were jamming his radio so Mifio sent a runner, who never arrived, to warn Vázquez. Guardsman Denholm died on this flank, the place and cause unspecified in any account I have found. The first that the men facing Mitchell’s platoon knew about Mifio’s departure was when they came under GPMG and anti-tank rocket fire from above and behind, which wounded several and killed the gallant Silva. The Argentine Army’s citation for Oscar Silva’s posthumous MVC says he died on Two Sisters: fighting alongside the Marines, it seems, did not count.

McGuiness, in charge of the ten men of Stuart’s platoon highest up the hill, recalled:

‘we definitely took them by surprise and could see them dodging about, trying to get into cover. This allowed the rest of the company to go forward; we could see them and kept moving our fire ahead of them.’

Stuart’s men fell back after this, to get out of the way of Gwyn’s barrage, and the slope was stormed by a group of Mitchell’s men, led by Company Commander Kiszeley. ‘Are you with me Jock?’ he called out.* Silence. He tried again and someone replied resignedly ‘Och aye, sir, I’m wi’you,’ and another, ‘Aye sir, I’m fuckin’ wi’ you as well.’ Gwyn was to fire three salvos and then stop while the infantry stormed the hill, and to the relieved surprise of the men who went ‘over the top’ they burst through Vazquez’s line without loss. With Mifio’s men gone and Vázquez’s left behind, it must have been Silva’s orphaned men who made the Scots fight for every inch of the defile to the summit, killing section leader Lance Sergeant Mitchell and wounding several others. Four RI 4s in addition to Silva died on Tumbledown, Kiszeley himself shooting two and bayoneting a third. In return he had his beret shot off and was hit by two bullets, stopped by his compass and a spare magazine.

Vázquez believed the British fell back after the attack, but in fact the Kiszeley / Mitchell party continued towards the summit and the lull Vázquez experienced was because the rest of 15 Platoon waited for Lieutenant Fraser’s 14 Platoon to join them before mopping up along the base of the hill. For Vázquez the turning point was when the MAG manned by Warrant Officer Julio Castillo and two others (in a particularly strong position tucked under a large boulder, still plainly identifiable) was silenced at about 0230. Castillo held the right flank of Vázquez’s position for four hours against repeated British attacks, and continued to fight when surrounded. He was awarded a posthumous CHVC. Vázquez surrendered at dawn, and when he called out to his men to stop fighting and come out with their hands up he was shocked that only four men responded. Eight of his men were dead, five wounded and all the survivors captured save one: S/C 62 Jorge Sanchez made a daring escape under fire to Oruezabala’s position. Vázquez himself was lucky to survive, because he seems to have been identified as the mythic sniper who ‘put bullets through the cap badges of [variable number] men’. Spicer writes of a captured officer who boasted of having done this, and since Vázquez was the only officer captured he must have been the man thus demonized, although with better luck than the alleged sniper on Longdon. As all Paras are ‘Toms’, so all Scots soldiers are ‘Jocks’. I have a soft spot for Vázquez. He admits that he stopped praying to God to spare his life, realizing: ‘what I’m asking is stupid. Everyone asks the same, but in a war not everyone will survive. I’m wasting a prayer. Besides, the Englishman to my front is making the same petition and there is only one God.’ So he prayed instead, ‘God, all I ask is that when the moment comes I may face it with dignity.’ If obliged to choose one terrain feature on the Falklands that most compels awe at the courage of the men who stormed it, my vote goes to the defile leading to the small peat plateau within the high crags at the summit of Tumbledown. A 60mm mortar section occupied the plateau early in the battle, but the many craters still visible in the area make it clear why it was abandoned. Also still to be seen is the almost impregnable artillery observation post built by 2nd Lieutenant de Marco, BIM 5/N’s forward observer, overlooking the sheer northern face with an unrivalled view of Longdon, Wireless Ridge and the Moody Brook valley: a further reminder of how vital Tumbledown was for the Argentine defence. The peak was taken by Kiszeley, Mitchell and five Guardsmen including the intrepid Reynolds: the bulk of LF Company was still below, mopping up, guarding prisoners and evacuating their own and enemy wounded. Kiszeley’s group paused, skylined, at the eastern end of the plateau, amazed to see Stanley lit up as though in peacetime, and a burst of automatic fire from the broad hollow below, known as the ‘Terrace’ to the Argentines, wounded three of them, including Reynolds and Lieutenant Mitchell, who was shot in both legs. Hours later a mortar bomb hit a stretcher-bearer group evacuating the wounded from the summit. Reynolds and Guardsman Malcolmson, carrying Mitchell, were killed, eight others wounded or re-wounded and the stretcher shredded, but Mitchell was miraculously spared to hobble back to the RAP at Goat Ridge, using a rifle as a crutch. LF Company lost seven men killed and twenty-one wounded. It is hard to imagine what reasons there may have been not to award Kiszeley the VC, but he got an MC instead. Reynolds, meanwhile, received a many-times earned DCM, as did CSM Nicol for continuing to recover the wounded, despite his own wound, throughout the period when the company was stalled at the foot of the hill. There was nothing for either of the Mitchells, Davidson or McGuiness, not for the same reasons that other brave men went undecorated on Longdon but because it would have been ‘unfair’ to award one company or battalion significantly more medals than any other. Kindergarten reasoning, typical of MoD.

Kiszeley’s group reached the summit no more than ten minutes ahead of Sub- Lieutenant de la Madrid’s RIM 6/B/i Platoon, guided by de Marco and Mifio who were anxious to make amends for having given up the feature in the first place. The fault was not really theirs. Despite repeated pleas over four or five hours — and no less repeated assurances that reinforcements were on their way — the men at the western end of Tumbledown were left unsupported to the end. Robacio and Villarraza had their minds closed to the possibility that Vázquez might be facing the main attack, and that the battalion attack they thought they had defeated in the south-west was the diversion. Pemlas sent the 0 Company reserve to the saddle behind William, where, along with the rest of N Company, it was isolated by Gwyn’s dissecting fire plan. Much later, Robacio ordered M Company to move forward from Sapper Hill (although RIM 3/C was nearer), but when he learned that Mifio had retreated, the only troops that could intervene in time were the men of Jaimet’s RIM 6/B. Jaimet, in turn, sent only one platoon under a green sub-lieutenant instead of ordering senior Lieutenant Arbella to lead a company attack, or better still leading it himself. De la Madrid says: ‘I spread my men out behind the men who were still fighting’ in the Terrace area, which is something of a puzzle: either they were stragglers from Mifio’s platoon (unlikely) or there had been an unrecorded sortie by some of Villarraza’s HQ Group. Braving the fire of two machine-guns and a ‘missile launcher’ firing down from the summit, de la Madrid went forward until he heard English voices above and behind him. He spotted a group of twelve men through his night goggles and fired a rifle grenade at them. Fraser’s 14 Platoon, newly arrived to support Kiszeley’s tiny group, reported two NCOs wounded by a grenade at about this time. For the next hour or so the two groups sniped at each other across the Terrace. Thanks to the die-hards of Vázquez’s platoon it was not until about 0600 that Major Price’s RF Company came up to resume the offensive, and during that period a company attack might have won back the summit. It was the last clear chance the Argentines had to inflict a significant check on the British.

We must now return to the battle for Wireless Ridge, which greatly influenced the end-game on Tumbledown. Although 2 Para’s Chaundler refused an appeal from Mike Scott to release some of his artillery support to help 2 SG, the tremendous firepower unleashed on Wireless Ridge in fact helped the Scots considerably. A glance back at Map 31 (p. 290) will show how Lucero’s platoon on the north side of Tumbledown was ideally placed to counter-attack Stuart’s flanking move, which drove off Mifio’s Sappers and unlocked the western defences of the hill, or failing that to redeploy to the summit via the steep peat slope to its right. Lucero did neither because his allotted task was to support Wireless Ridge with his mortar and heavy machine-guns, and you did not become an SNCO in the Argentine Navy by questioning orders. Nor was there any reason to do so. Both Lucero and Jaimet, who was also supporting the men on Wireless Ridge with his mortars, could plainly see their compatriots being chewed up to their front. As we have seen, Villaraza and Robacio were confident they had defeated the main enemy attack until they learned of Mifio ‘s retreat, and until that moment nothing Lucero or Jaimet could see and hear on the radio warned them that, behind them, Tumbledown was falling to the enemy. However, once they did realize their peril, Robacio and Jaimet failed to respond adequately. Both later claimed they wanted a fight to the death in Stanley — but if their concept of honour demanded more bloodshed, why not their own, leading their men on Tumbledown?*

Robaclo and Mifio (!) got Navy-sponsored CUVCs, but not Vázquez. The Army gave Jaimet an MVC.

Uploaded More Photographs

2007-12-10T12:58:00.000+01:00

I can't believe its been almost 3 weeks since I last posted. I do apologise for the lack of updates but the combination of a heavy cold and the fact that I have had to work very long hours has made some big indents into my spare time.

I recently received some wonderful photographs from Theresa and Ian which I have now made available. They are a mixture of digital photos taken during various commemorations this year such as Pangbourne, St Pauls Cathedral, London and of course the pilgrimage.

They also included many very precious and sentimental photographs taken over the last 30 odd years including many of Theresas' late husband Clark Mitchell who died on Tumbeldown. The death of Clark had a huge impact on Theresa and reminded me during the pilgrimage of how much suffering the bereaved have had to cope with.

Rest in Peace Clark

BBC features SAMA

2007-11-23T15:55:00.000+01:00

Nice to see that the BBC have posted something with regards the SAMA trip to the Falklands. They have an online article here

Finished uploading photos

2007-11-22T19:11:00.001+01:00

Today I finished uploading all the photographs that have been sent to me so far. In the end I downloaded a program called JBatchIt which I used to compress all the photographs to a fraction of their size. The savings in space are about 20-30 times for each photo but with no loss of quality when it comes to looking at them on the web. I then used Picassa to upload everything to Google so they are now available for everyone to look at.

You can check them out here

Remembrance Sunday

2007-11-20T11:56:00.000+01:00

I've not attended many of these services since leaving the Army twenty years ago.

The truth is that not being a Christian, the religious aspect of the service has always put me off. I find it hypocrytical to my own beliefs as a Buddhist to stand there and pray to something I don't believe in.

This Remembrance Sunday of course, was somewhat different as I was in the Falklands. So I attended the service at Stanley Cathedral. Along with all the other veterans, we formed up and marched to the church. Hence, by the time we got there quite a few of the seats had been taken. This mean't that probably half of us where forced to watch the service on a TV, in a hall in the building next door. This wasn't a problem and along with the others I watched the service take place.

It followed the normal course of a few hymns, a reading, some prayers, reciting the 'Roll of Honour', and a surmon. What wasn't on the agenda, was for one of the veterans who march up to the front of the church and took over the service. You could see the anxious glances from the Vicar as he wondered what was going to be said. In fact everyone was straining to hear what Gus Hales of 9 Para RE had to say.

He had written a poem which, after apologising for interrupting the proceedings, he began to read.

DEEP IN MY MIND WHERE NOBODY GOES

By Gus Hales

Every year on Remembrance Sunday
I sit in the corner of the British Legion Bar,
Dressed in blazer, shirt, Regimental tie
And polished shoes, with my head held high.

But deep in my mind, where nobody goes,
I see a wooden cross where the wind of victory lies.
“Three Cheers for Victory,” I hear the politician say.
But you never asked me about my victory.
And, if they did, I would have explained it this way:

It isn’t your flags or emblems of war,
Or the marching of troops past the Palace’s door.
It isn’t Mrs. Thatcher on the balcony high,
Reaffirming her pledge to serve or die.
But it’s the look and the pain on a teenager’s face
As he dies for his country, In a far off place.

It’s the guns and the shells and the Phosphorus grenades
And the wounded and the dead in freshly cut graves
Or the grieving wife or the fatherless child
Whose young, tender life will be forever defiled.

Or the alcoholic soldier with a shattered mind
Who takes the suicide option for some peace to find.
Well, that’s my victory but no one knows
For its deep in my mind where nobody goes.

Gus then strode back to his place, to thunderous applause from almost all those who were there.
I say almost all, because I couldn't see the whole of the first two rows of dignatories. But from where I was looking, a few certainly seemed to have been somewhat taken aback.

Here was a Rememberance Parade being held in the Falklands on the 25th anniversary, being attended by two hundred and fifty veterans, as well as numerous islanders, all of whom had been there during the War. Dozens were suffering some sort of physical or mental injury, and at this point hardly any mention had been made of their War. It was if they were following a script that they delivered as the 'standard Remembrance Day Speech' every year. Gus getting up, had highlighted the suffering and the sacrifice very poignantly. His was the voice that called out to be heard.

Sad to say, the Vicar then went on to make a Sermon that completely failed in my opinion to highlight the Falklands War or the 25th Anniversary adequately. When he became involved in speaking about internal church politics, I think he missed the importance of the opportunity to say something very profound and neccesary on such an incredibly important occasion.

Gus's eulogy to the dead and suffering, so exactly illustrated the feelings of so very many of us and was so perfectly delivered.

Well done Gus!

Flu

2007-11-19T15:27:00.000+01:00

Yep, I am getting old. Seems I can't travel half way around the world and back, experience all four seasons in an hour, not sleep properly and not watch my diet, without catching what I thought was a cold and has actually turned out to be Flu!! Watch this space for updates once I get myself sorted out.

Home Sweet Home

2007-11-15T15:14:00.000+01:00

John took me to Heathrow nice and early where I checked in and then I treated us to breakfast. It's been a good twenty four hours with John and I hope to repeat this sometime soon when he comes to Stockholm. Life has not been easy for him this year since his wife passed away after a long illness.

I didn't sleep too well last night, so that's now two nights in a row. To be honest I feel a cold coming on which is not surprising considering how exhausting the last ten days have been. The time until the flight seemed to drag on forever. Arrived back in Sweden and having said hello to Susie, I promptly fell asleep for a few hours. Great to be home.

Showed Susie and Fredrik my photos before grabbing an early night

Day 12

2007-11-14T13:51:00.000+01:00

The flight was long but I was able to grab a few hours sleep due to the extra large seat I was lucky enough to have.

The chap sitting next to me was called Simon and had been on the HMS Coventry. His story was quite harrowing.

After the ship had been hit, he was knocked unconscious and lay injured. His head had been cut open , so blood was pouring from it. He had Formica fragments embeded in his scalp as it had become shrapnel due to the force of the blast. When he came around, he found that the ship was listing badly and on fire. He made his way to the exit but because the ladders were made of alluminium they had melted. He was trapped in a burning ship that was slowly sinking. Fortune smiled though and as the ship listed more he was able to walk on the walls and climb out onto the upper deck where he then jumped into the sea. Without an immersion suit he should have died but somehow he was able to hold on until rescued.

We arrived in London almost three hours late and poor old John Samson had been waiting all that time. I guess this is the one time I didn't bother checking to see if the flight was delayed or not. It was great to see him though and all the other Scots Guards who came out, took the time to say hello. It was sad to see everyone disperse. I just really hope we can keep something going between us all and stay in contact.

John took me back to Windsor where he lives and we had a quick drink and something to eat as it was lunch time. We then headed to his house where I had the chance to freshen up and get changed into some clean clothes. I was then able to show him all the pictures I had taken, over a cup of tea and describe to him the weekend. I found out surprisingly, that he had been with G company which I had never realised before.

In the evening his daughter Samantha and her boyfriend came over. We discussed the Falklands and I got a chance to talk a little about Buddhism to her. It was nice to actually meet her having spent time in the past talking to her on MSN. We popped out for an Indian meal and by the end of it I was on my chip strap. As it is a relatively early start tomorrow, I went to bed in good time. It has been a wonderful day and I'm so happy to have been able to spend some quality time with John.

Day 11

2007-11-13T21:28:00.000+01:00

I woke early as today is the day we travel back to the UK. My bus departed at 0720hrs so I had to report to the Drill Hall by 0700hrs which I did. Chucked the bags in the baggage truck and then drove over to MPA where, due to a delay in the plane arriving from Rio we were shown to the Sergeants Mess.

I took the time to go looking for the lost mural that I had been unable to find and ended up talking to the Chief Warrant Officer of the base and he was able to fill me in with the fate of our mural. It seemed that when the murals were taken down they needed some expensive restoration work. Each mural cost £4000 so they had to pick and choose the best ones. Therefore Ode To Tumbledown was saved, but sadly the Roll Of Honour with Cap Badges was stored away and when it was examined sometime later it was found to have completely decayed.

We had lunch before finally boarding the aircraft, which was then further delayed when one of the passengers had to be removed from the flight as he was unwell. They had to offload his luggage which took some time, so by the time we got away we were three hours late.

The flight back via Rio was long, but at least I got a larger seat this time. The most thrilling aspect of the journey was the Tornado GR3 escort we received on leaving the base and the helicopter salute.

Day 10

2007-11-12T21:26:00.000+01:00

This is the last day and I have a stack of stuff I want to get done, though I am sure I won't get a chance to do it all. I was awake at something like 5.45am and having done my diary I took myself for a walk. Stanley was pretty quiet at this time of the morning with just a few people out and about. I got a couple of good photos taken on the jetty looking into town which is where pretty much mirrored those taken by Vic.

I found myself heading to Memorial Wood as I still had a number of crosses left that had the Scots Guards emblem on them. It seemed appropriate to use them. I was going to go yesterday but decided that the weather was too bad and that I didn’t really want to be surrounded by other people when I paid my respects to the lads who had died. The diagram we had been supplied with was very good and I was able to easily find the trees that had been planted for each of the guys, who died either on the diversion or up on Tumbledown.

Having paid my respects, I made my way back to Aunty Teen's and had my usual breakfast of porridge before heading up to the Drill Hall where we were due to meet the guys from PWRR. It seems that some things in the Army never change and due to a miscommunication the bus didn’t arrive until almost 10am which was an hour later than planned. No matter, they eventually turned up and we headed off. There were quite a few interested, maybe close to fifty, so after a quick briefing we headed to the diversionary attack area.

The bus stopped somewhat short of the area, so doing this part of the tour took a bit longer than expected. Still we managed well enough to show everyone where Danny Wight and John Pashley died and explained a little about the reasons behind attack and what happened. I think the consensus of opinion among the guys who were there, is that it was a disaster with regards casualties but that it focused attention on an area of the battlefield from where they were expecting an attack. However looking at the terrain, it’s highly unlikely that any forces were pinned down there, as reinforcing Tumbledown from the area of the Stanley road was not something easily done at night.

Getting back on the bus, we then dropped everybody off opposite Goat Ridge and crossed a rock run to reach the area that the battalion had deployed from helicopters in 1982. We showed them the mortar line and pointed out the remains of trenches and holes left by artillery. From here we followed the route we took to the start line passing the Regimental Aid Post and Tactical Headquarters. Crossing the fence (which they seemed to have trouble doing without almost destroying it) we moved onto G Company objective.

When I did this last time with Alex we had pretty much bypassed this feature and instead skirted it. This time with Jim Gillanders and Roy Catchpole we walked over the feature and they described how the company had deployed for attack. Roy was able to find his old firing positions and even retrieved a few shell cases from rounds he had fired. It seemed to mean a lot to him, as I know the events of that night have weighed heavily these past years.

By now the group was quite spread out with small clumps of PWRR being led by various vets around features that represented the various stages of the attack. Our group caught up with Jock Davidson who was talking through the movements made by his platoon through the rocks to the left flank and rear of the main Argentine positions facing Left Flank. He interspersed his commentary with various talks about what he had learnt about soldiering due to the experiences he had that night. It was all solid stuff considering these guys are soon to deploy to Afghanistan and have recently finished a tour of Basra province in Iraq.

Meanwhile Simon was describing the route taken by Kisley and the events that unfurled around him. They had moved almost directly up the main draw and through the Argentine positions. Simon described being given a grenade to throw into a trench that Kisley wanted to attack and how nervous he was handling it, as he didn’t have much experience of using one. What followed was grisly as the grenades exploded in the trench killing one of the soldiers manning it and wounding the other. Simon then told us how he ran up to the trench and pointed his rifle and the wounded man and came within a fraction of a second of shooting him. Instead the wounded soldier put his hands up to surrender and then promptly fell over. This happened a couple of times and Simon almost shot him again thinking he was messing around. With the adrenaline pumping and the dark it took him a second to realise that the hapless soldier was trying to stand up and surrender but the grenade and blown off his foot, hence he kept falling over all the time.
At this Simon applied a dressing and calmed the chap down before passing him to somebody else to look after him.

We worked our way up the mountain finding old bits of webbing, trenches, discarded ammunition, old ponchos, entrenching tools, communication cable and lots of empty bullet cases and link. Teresa, a widow of one of the men, was desperate to reconstruct the events that led to her husbands death, as nobody has been able to shed much light on how he died. Simon was pretty adamant that Clark had been killed next to the spot where Binnie was wounded. We found the spot where Binnie was shot as it was the same gap in the rocks where Right Flank had formed up and where I was stationed during the attack. It seemed to answer questions for her and of course she was very emotional, she was standing on the spot where her husband had died twenty five years earlier.

We walked up to the memorial at the end of Tumbledown and I read the Ode again , which went down well. I was also carrying a bottle of Whiskey I had bought at Duty Free on the way over and it seemed an appropriate moment to share it with everyone. With over fifty people having a nip, we didn’t get much, but it was a fitting toast to absent friends.

We dropped off the back of Tumbledown and walked back to Moody Brook, looking at the remains of numerous bunker complexes that once dotted this area. The is where the Argentines massed their artillery and it is close to there, in the saddle between William and Tumbledown, that Mike Sear found the Argentine mortar line.

We bid the lads from PWRR goodbye and then went on our separate ways. I found time to do some shopping for gifts before going to see Sue. She had invited myself and Alex for lunch but I had been unable to go so, I dropped by to have a cup of tea. I fed the two pet lambs which were very cute. One was so hungry that he started sucking my little finger once he had finished his feed.

I had supper with Teen before going with her to the farewell bash up at the Drill Hall. The event was well attended and entertainment from the PWRR choir as well as the Scots Guards pipers was very much appreciated. I got an invite to attend a party at Patrick Watts house but instead I took Teen home, she looked exhausted and to be honest so was I.

Day 9

2007-11-11T21:24:00.000+01:00

Like most mornings I was up and awake by about 6am. I am sleeping very soundly (not that I have any problems with sleeping) but I really notice that it's so quiet here.

With today being remembrance Sunday, it’s a packed day of ceremonies which kicked off with a 9am service down at the cathedral. By the time I got there most of the prime seats had been taken, not that we had much chance of getting them as the lads wanted to stand outside and have a last smoke.

It was already standing room only inside so we were ushered into the parish hall where they had set up a television so we could see what was going on next door. The service itself was fairly long and didn’t finish until almost 1030. I think not enough thought was given to the fact that not everyone is a practising Christian. Also the sermon seemed to dwell on points that were really nothing to do with why we were there and wandered off and discussed rather political points about internal Christian wrangling. Oh and while I am bitching, I think that the Roll of Honour should have included those who died in 1982 and not just in WW1 and WW2 as I thought that was why we were here today. To remember those who had died. There was one unplanned event, when one of the veterans walked to the front of the church and read a poem. Sadly I couldn’t hear it though it seemed to go down well and received a warm round of applause.

After the church service, we filtered out and formed up before marching to the Cross of Sacrifice. The Scots Guards formed our own attachment at the rear of the parade and with four pipers to lead us, we followed a discrete metre or two behind the rest of the parade. Unlike the others we kept pace and I must say it myself we made an impressive sight marching along despite the rain and sleet that was by now falling quite heavily.

On the way we did 'eyes' left to the governor of the Falklands which again was rather smartly executed.

At the cross of sacrifice we had another service with a wreath laying, but as we were down on the road we didn’t hear anything. By this time the rain and sleet was still falling and we were all getting pretty cold. A two gun salute was fired from Govenors house and the sound echoed around the mountains. That was an eerie noise as the last time I heard that here was all those years ago. 'Last Post' was played and was ended as the RAF doing a fly past. One of the Tornadoes did a very impressive victory roll at low level over Stanley before punching the after burners and vanishing into the clouds.

The parade was dismissed and the idea was for us to visit the Memorial Wood. This is a wood that was recently planted with one tree for each of the lads who died. In fact each tree has a specific persons name assigned to it and there is a map telling us the layout. With all the people around though I didn’t feel this was the time to lay my crosses. I wanted to do it quietly by myself and not in front of a crowd.

I headed back to the house and got changed out of my rather damp suit, before popping up to the Drill Hall to have a curry lunch. The hall was full of veterans, islanders and lots of young serving members of the forces. Having spent most of my time talking to fellow veterans and islanders, I decided to spend time talking to the soldiers, sailors and airmen who had provided the honour guard today at the services.

First I chatted to some of the RAF guys who were all working at Mount Pleasant. The Navy guys were from HMS Clyde and told me a little about life on board the ship. The soldiers were from the Princess Of Wales Royal Regiment and this is the same unit as Johnson Beharry who won the VC in Iraq and the guys who held CIMIC house for 2 months.

All the guys I spoke to had seen almost constant action in Iraq and a couple of them had Mention in dispatches. They all seemed in good cheer, but I could only think that I was something like this at their age. I hope in years to come they don’t get the sort of problems many of the Falklands veterans have experienced and that they get the help if they need it. I found out that some of the Scots Guards are taking them on a battle field tour tomorrow so I will tag along as I want to see Tumbledown one more time.

I came back to the house for supper and Alex joined us again. After having a bite to eat, we popped around to the Victory Bar for a drink with the lads. After a beer, I called in at Teena’s to print off the Ode To Tumbledown and then having dropped it off back at the pub headed home.

Day 8

2007-11-10T21:22:00.000+01:00

Today I walked with Alex Allender the exact route we took on the night of June 13th when the battalion assaulted and took Tumbledown Mountain.

Bob rang this morning at some ungodly hour to ask if he could pop over for breakfast. He arrived at about the same time I was doing my diary. A nice lad, he reminds me so much of my late Uncle Chuffy. We ate together before setting off to meet up with Alex around at Patrick Watts house.

Gordon Hoggan and Mick Gillanders were there as they are also staying at the same house. Both looked a bit worse for wear but I had a chance to have a chat with them both, much to the chagrin of Alex who was champing at the bit to get away.

Patrick drove us out to a point about as close as we could get to Goat Ridge without going off road, and dropped us off. He pointed out the spot where the Scorpion tank of the Blues and Royals got bogged down during the diversion attack.

Twenty five years ago we arrived at this point by Puma helicopter. We had formed up in sticks, each the size of the number of men plus equipment. The chopper took take at one time. We were spread out with each stick kneeling on the grass, grouped according to which helicopter we were due to board. The helicopters came in low and fast, they would flare and then land and as soon as they touched down . We would run to the each side and throw in our bergens before finding a seat, filling up from the back. I was one of the last in so I ended up with a seat not far from the door. As soon as the last man had jumped aboard, the chopper took off fast and low and barely rose to more than fifty feet from the group. The door remained open and a crew member armed with a GPMG scanned the ground and air for any threats. It was an exhilarating ride as we had no idea what we were flying into. After only a few minutes we arrived at Goat Ridge where the choppers came in fast and low. The second they touched down we piled out and formed an all round defence in two semi circles, either side of the chopper. Our bergens were thrown out in a pile behind us and as soon as the last one was out the chopper was gone. After what had been a noisy and hectic few minutes, it suddenly became quiet. Orders were given, we retrieved our bergens and then moved up to our LUP (Lay Up Position) where we did our best to dig in.

Alex and I found the area where we had been assigned to, (or at least as close as we could remember). We found various signs of our presence from twenty five years ago, such as old packing cases which had been used to move some of the stores from echelon. We found a number of signs of what had to have been split trenches and we also found a number of shell holes.

Soon after we had landed, somebody sky lined themselves on the ridge and were seen by observers in the remaining mountains. This resulted in the Argentine forces firing harassing fire all day at our positions. Shells landed on and off but luckily as they had no way of seeing where they fell, little damage was done. Scots Guards suffered our first casualty though when LSGT McGeorge was a little slow in diving into his trench and was hit. He was later to make a full recovery. The time was spent getting something to eat and trying to grab some sleep. I remember Tally running around delivering mail, l I got a letter from my mother.

Darkness arrived and we moved up to our FUP (Forming Up Point) where we dropped off our bergens (we went into battle wearing belt order and berets). We were also all carrying mortar bombs that we had picked up from large stockpiles back at Bluff Cove. These we dropped off at the mortar line which twenty five years later we found. The area was strewn with empty ammunition cases and was obviously the scene of extremely hectic activity. You could almost close your eyes and picture the scene.

We followed Goat Ridge past what had been the area where the TAC HQ (Tactical HQ) had tucked themselves into the rocks with good places to observe Tumbledown and walked right past the RAP (Regimental Aid Post). We could tell we had found it as there was an old stretcher lying there still.

The start line had been a fence with a white tape across the ground. We formed up on this line in extended order and when given the word moved silently into the night. Alex remembered as we crossed the line being wished all the best by what he thought were Marines but in fact had been SBS.

The first part of Tumbledown had been the objective of G Company and thankfully on the night of the attack, the forces covering this area had been pulled back further up the mountain. Therefore G Company was able to take the position without encountering any resistance. Walking over the area in daylight we were both horrified at the almost complete lack of cover. If they had covered the area with a couple of machine guns and placed some wire then it would have been a hell of a job to assault up a hill that resembled a billiard table. G Company was to act as stretcher bearers to Left Flank, who was the next company to assault the mountain.

This is where the Scots Guards were to lose seven men who were killed. If you think that a company only consists of three fighting platoons of three sections and each section contains eight men, then a company has seventy two men. To lose seven men out of this force, then it’s a grim statistic and testament to the ferocity of the fighting that took place here.

My memories of that night are of the quiet before the storm. We moved to the left of G Company and spent what seemed hours lying on the ground waiting for the word to move forward. Left Flank fixed bayonets and charged the enemy positions from the right flank up into the crags. Most of the books assume that they attacked down the spine of the mountain but this isn’t possible. The terrain just doesn’t allow a company to deploy and attack, if they had
attacked this way then there was barely room for a platoon.

What did happen that night, was that the Argentines pulled back from the rocks that dominated the approaches which allowed Left Flank to get up behind the main line of defence. This unhinged the defences and after hours of fierce fighting they reached the summit.

While all this was going on we were called forward to retrieve some casualties. Alex and I found the area where we had moved to and the rocks where we had sheltered when we came under fire. This is the area where I was told to crawl back and tell the guys behind us to stop firing at us. It wasn’t Roy Catchpole who was firing at us but Curly Roberts Platoon, our own Right Flank troops! This is where I was sniped at by an Argentine high up in the rocks. It was a lovely sunny day, hard to believe this is the exact spot where I once felt the whizz of bullets whistling past my head.

From here, we walked up past the features that had loomed up in the night and through the area where we had been mortared as we moved up through Left Flank positions to where we were jumped off, to take our part of the mountain. After all the rocks, to suddenly come out again onto the forward face of Tumbledown and into the open area, I was taken back to all those years ago and could remember the whistles of the mortars as they dropped on us. There had been a lot of confusion that night as to exactly whom these bombs belonged to.

As we moved to where we formed up, we found many signs of Argentine positions as well as discarded ammunition and old equipment, such as spades and old ponchos. We could also find lots of signs of artillery and mortar strikes as well as huge holes from what must have been naval artillery.

Two questions have already haunted me from this point of that night. The first one was the disaster that befell the stretcher party that was hit on the way back to the RAP. The other question was who was it that was so badly wounded just as we were forming up with the explosion that happened.

Speaking to Alex it became apparent that the stretcher was carrying Lt Mitchell who had been hit as he was moving across a gap in the rocks at the boundary of Left Flank and Right Flank. The stretcher team left just as we arrived, so the fact that I volunteered to take a casualty back, mean't it could never have been this ill fated group of men.

The other question that has always haunted me is who was it that was so badly wounded and what happened to him? Well Alex was able to tell me the guy who was hit was named Nash and that he ended up losing a finger (even though he seemed more concerned with his foot) and that he ended up serving with the battalion for some time after. That made me feel better as he suffered that night, it was nice to know that he had made a good recovery.

I found the rocks where we had our GPMG. Alex was able to tell me the guys name was Fisher and that he was a thirty year odd guardsman who didn’t want promotion. He used to call me 'Big Bird' (after the character in Sesame Street) and smoked a pipe. He was a great guy. During the final part of the battle I was his number 3 and it was my responsibility to provide his number 2 with ammunition. A GPMG gun team consists of a gunner who fires controlled bursts of a few rounds at a time. The gun is fed by a belt of ammunition and this can twist and thus jam the gun. The job of the number 2, is to make sure the belt does'nt twist. The belt also consists of bullets linked together and normally they are linked together in sets of two hundred. When the belt gets to the end, it is the job of the number 2 to clip onto the end of the gun another belt of ammunition. So my job was to supply the number 2 with more belts and these were piled up in a relatively central position so that all the gun teams had access to them.

It was approaching dawn when we started the assault. Two platoons under Mathieson and Lawrence were the assault force. Dalrymple's platoon was providing covering fire. Just as we were about to kick off I remember Ian Amos moving behind the troops urging them forward into position and distributing the last of the ammunition, when one of the magazines on his rifle broke and rounds scattered everywhere. To say he was displeased is putting it mildly but somehow it provided a brief moment of comic relief in what was a very tense moment.

With bayonets fixed the two assault platoons moved off covered by us. A cacophony of noise erupted as they worked forward assaulting slit trenches and bunkers. Fisher banged away on his GPMG, which rapidly overheated and we swapped barrels pouring water on the one that had been taken off. We soon started running low on ammunition and I started ferrying belts of link from the central reserve to the ever hungry gun. I have no idea how long the assault lasted I just know that eventually we ran out of targets and gradually the noise of battle receded.

I stood in the very spot where, after the battle, we bought two very scared and shocked Argentine soldiers both with leg wounds. The area were they were brought was a half circle of rock, in which a number of us were seeking shelter. This is the point where we ceased to be animals and became members of the human race again. We checked to see if they needed their bandages changed, gave them a brew, a cigarette and made them comfortable. I distinctly remember the prisoners who were'nt wounded being led off the mountain and then at some stage taking a peek over the edge of the rocks to look at Stanley.

Alex and I had our sandwiches at the memorial to the Scots Guards. We took the time to leave a few words on the wreath we had laid there the day before. Yesterday we had laid the wreath and left the card blank. Today we sat and reflected on what we wanted to say. I then did a ceremonial Gongyo (Buddhist prayer) and left my Juzu beads on one of the crosses that had been left some time before. I think that when I get home I will look into how much it will cost to have a plaque made with the “Ode To Tumbledown” inscribed on it and see if I can get it placed there. Maybe I can convince Susie to come down with me to place it.

We dropped off the back of Tumbledown and walked into town. On the way down, we passed an old Argentine field kitchen and the admin area that they had. It was well protected from the elements and was certainly as about cosy as you can get. Once we arrived in Stanley we checked out the museum and then a few of the local pubs such as Dino’s, The Globe and The Victory. I spent the afternoon chatting with various veterans before returning to Teen's to prepare for the evening activities.

At 1800hr we had a photograph taken outside the Governor’s residence wearing medals and dressed in our best regalia. After the photo, the infant school sang us the song that had been so brilliantly sang by the young lady on Horse Guards in London back in June. It was beautifully done and the veterans showed their appreciation in a huge round of applause.

After the photo, we formed up and marched behind the pipers to the memorial. We had a wreath laying ceremony and service which was slightly marred by the fact the weather turned bad. An icy rain started as we were standing around which didn't really let up until the end. After the wreath laying we marched behind the band to Victory Green where we presented two benches to the islanders.

We were treated to an impressive fly past by one of the RAF Tornadoes. A rather humorous event happened as we were waiting, something that couldn’t be scripted as two seagulls flew past they were christened the 'Red Sparrows'. It was freezing and most of us were hoping that things would finish. When they did, Alex and I dived into the Upland Goose hotel for a drink and to warm up.

Having warmed up we went back to aunty Teen's for supper and an early night.

Day 7

2007-11-09T21:19:00.000+01:00

Today was to be a truly emotional day, as today is when we decided to commemorate the guards. The day started with a convoy of Landrovers heading to Fitzroy with something approaching 125 pilgrims and islanders. The convoy took about 45 minutes to make its way down to the beach where the terrible events of June 8th 1982 and the biggest single loss of life of the British forces took place.

On a day very much like today with clear blue skies the Welsh Guards and 16 Field Ambulance arrived in Fitzroy harbour having sailed over night from Port San Carlos. For reasons that are still not clear instead of immediately unloading the troops, the decision was made to stay aboard. As dawn came the ships could be clearly seen from an observation post on the mountains surrounding Stanley and an air strike was called in.

Rick Middlewick was a young chef and a good friend of Paul Ackerman. Together they were passing time in the mess area at the stern of the ship Sir Galahad. Suddenly without any warning a Skyhawk aircraft of the Argentine Air Force appeared over the anchorage and dropped two bombs on the ship and fired rockets at the superstructure. The bombs punched through the hull and detonated among the Welsh Guards packed into the tank deck, setting fuel alight and causing horrific carnage beneath decks. The rockets exploded in the mess and Rick was instantly killed. One minute he was sitting next to Paul, the next he was gone, Paul was never to see him again.

This story, told to me by Paul back in Southampton only one week previously, was very much in my mind as we stood looking over the tranquil bay that is Fitzroy. The Welsh guards gathered in front of the memorial and a short service was conducted. The pipers of the Scots Guards played a lament and the Welsh lads who had attended laid their wreaths. It was a very emotional and personal scene as this was the first ceremony I had attended that was being conducted at the sight of where it had happened.

After the wreaths were laid for the Welsh Guards we moved over to the memorial for the RFA personal who died on the Sir Galahad and Sir Tristian. Paul had given me a poppy that his wife had bought from a WW2 veteran that morning. Paul had written Rick’s name on the poppy and asked me to lay it in the water. I climbed down to the shore and did as he asked. Rest in peace Rick and everybody else who died that morning.

I remember that morning very clearly as I was in my sheep pen at Bluff Cove which is just over the hill. We had arrived the previous morning on board landing craft from HMS Intrepid. I was making a brew and trying to eavesdrop on a conversation Alex was having with some SAS friends. Sometime earlier, (the exact amount escapes me after all these years) we had heard a series of booms from Fitzroy and could see a column of smoke over the horizon. The rumour mill was running overtime as to what had happened and it was gradually filtering down to us that a ship had been hit though the details were vague.

This was being discussed when suddenly from the West four aircraft came screaming down the valley pretty much about the same place that the Stanley road runs today. We all looked over and somebody remarked “Oh look, Harriers” to which the SAS blokes replied that they were Argentine and ran for their positions. Within seconds, a second wave of four aircraft flew through but this time they were met by a hail of small arms fire from the Scots Guards positions. It is said that we fired 16,500 rounds at these planes and that we were credited with probably shooting 2 of them down.

All I remember is looking at the planes and seeing the two at the rear seeming to fly into a wall of lead and disintegrate. One rolled over onto its back and was followed by a huge fireball somewhere between Bluff Cove and Stanley. The other went straight up like a rocket and vanished into the clouds where, a few seconds later, the clouds were lit up by a big orange fireball. Of course the battalion were celebrating the ragged cheers when the last four jets flew over almost untouched as nobody was ready.

After the ceremony for the RFA we did another for the Medics before heading over to the settlement itself for a final ceremony dedicated to all the 5 Brigade losses. Again the pipers played a lament and this time they were joined by a bugler who played the Last Post. After this we all retired to the small community hall for some refreshments provided by the locals. Once again they had done a sterling job and goodness only knows how much time and effort had gone into preparing the various cakes and eats. It was a fitting end to an emotional morning.

Alex came with me back to Aunty Teens for lunch and I got to meet the youngest grandson Scott. After a lovely meal, we made our way over to Teena's as I needed to get hold of a printout of the Ode To Tumbledown. We bumped into Sue so she happily drove us around and waited while I got the poem. She then dropped us off at the drill hall.

I was amazed at the number of people who had turned up to pay their respects for what was going to be an adhoc remembrance up on Tumbledown this afternoon. We had only decided the day before that all the Scots Guards would gather at the memorial and pay our respects. The word spread and about forty people came along with a camera crew. Getting to Tumbledown is not that easy as there are no roads and the ground very boggy. We made it though.

It felt extremely odd to be standing on Tumbledown on the very spot that Right Flank assaulted. I have so many memories of that night and to actually stand on the ground where it all happened bought it all back. The weather was even very similar to what it had been like as it started to snow.

We started the ceremony with me reading the 'Ode To Tumbledown', facing the assembled Scots Guards and the well wishers who had come with us. I had no idea what to expect but I felt incredibly calm and focused on the words of the poem. I don’t know where I got the strength from but in a strong and clear voice I recited faultlessly the words. It felt great, I put as much emotion as I could into the reading and I felt the words resonate in me. As I spoke the final words I looked up and scanned the faces of my fellow’s. I felt such pride for being allowed to be here with them on this occasion.

We then said the Lords Prayer and then laid wreaths while our pipers played 'The Crags of Tumbledown' and the bugler played the Last Post. It was a simple but powerful ceremony, all made up by the Scots Guards themselves for their friends who had died on this mountain 25 years ago. Some of the lads were in floods of tears and we all hugged each other and gave each other support. I can honestly say I felt reborn, today I was shown that I have not been the only one to have suffered. In fact my suffering has been nothing compared to what others have endured.

We drank some whiskey and chatted but the weather was foul with a cold wind and driving snow, so we came down to the area where only the day before the pipers (who had been part of the diversionary attack) found the spot where Danny Wight and John Pashley had died.

They had built a small cairn on the bank above where they had died and we had a small ceremony where we recited the Lords Prayer and then laid a wreath and played a lament. Again it was very tasteful and this time as the weather was a lot milder we had the chance to chat. We found various remains of the skirmish such as the spent cases from the rounds that had probably killed them. We also found remains of grenades (including one lying in puddle, which we will have to report as it has no pin in it!). We also found the remains of a radio that the patrol had dropped.

We returned to Stanley in good spirits. It had been a good afternoon and very emotional but the lads had paid their respects and it felt good to have done it our way in our own time.

After dinner we headed up to the dance which was being held on behalf of the Royal British Legion. It was good to get a chance to chat again with some of the Islanders and see them let their hair down. I even got Aunty Teen to come along and she seemed to thoroughly enjoy herself.